Don Quixote’s Troubles

Editorial Introduction by Samara Ann Cahill

Cite: Cahill, Samara. Anne. 2023.  “Don Quixote’s Troubles (Editorial Introduction),” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 3(1): i-iii.
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Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 3.1 is a special issue prompted and made possible by The Quixotic Eighteenth Century, the 2023 conference of the South Central Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies (SCSECS). Hosted in Bryan-College Station, Texas, February 24-25, 2023, and supported by the Language, Culture & Gender Studies program at Texas Woman’s University, the conference was the first SCSECS meeting to be held since the pandemic erupted. The recovery pains were apparent but not insurmountable: SCSECS hadn’t met since the glorious 2020 conference in St. Augustine, Florida, and while the 2023 conference was a smaller-than-usual affair, it nonetheless captured the trademark SCSECS sociability and magic. While severe weather deprived us of the company of central members of the SCSECS family traveling from out of state, the gathering brought together participants from all over the US and featured speakers from across the professional timeline, from undergraduates to graduate students to independent scholars, faculty, and retired scholars.

Dr. Eduardo Urbina—founder of the Cervantes Project at Texas A&M University and Plenary Speaker for The Quixotic Eighteenth Century—delighted us with a rollicking deep dive into eighteenth-century English editions of Don Quixote. He and Dr. Beth Kilmarx, of Texas A&M’s Cushing Memorial Library, also organized an accompanying exhibit of eighteenth-century editions lovingly identified, purchased (many of them online in the early days of the internet), and catalogued by Dr. Urbina and his team. The exhibit showcased the tremendous, multi-decade labor of scholarly love that is the irreplaceable Cervantes Project. It was also gratifying to see how traditional scholarly methods intersected with the nascent digital humanities approaches used by Dr. Urbina even at the earliest stages of the Cervantes Project. Indeed, digital humanities became somewhat of an unofficial touchstone for the conference: Texas A&M’s well-regarded Center of Digital Humanities Research merges the best of scholarship between the Humanities and the university’s nationally recognized College of Engineering. And Dr. Lauren Leibe presented a very popular “Digital Humanities Workshop” on the closing day of the conference.

I am so grateful for the generous support of Dr. Beth Kilmarx and all of the staff at the Cushing who went above and beyond to make our group feel welcome and engaged and to ensure that everything ran smoothly. Due to fitful weather and bad traffic (Friday evening on a college campus!), the walk from the bus stop to the Cushing entrance was quite daunting for some of us, but Dr. Kilmarx not only transported attendees from the bus to the Cushing entrance in her own car, but also made a last-minute arrangement for a golf cart (and driver) to transport attendees harried by the weather. It was instances like Dr. Kilmarx’s spontaneous personal generosity that truly aligned the conference with its namesake: a figure of creativity and kindness in the midst of crisis.

The conference experienced something of a quixotic journey from its announcement  in 2020 through the pandemic and two postponements to 2023. I appreciate the patience and graciousness of the contributors and all of our editorial staff, including our fabulous website team in Singapore—Er Bee Eng and Ernawatie Binte Erawan—the Brigham Young University copy editing team, and our wonderful founding editor, Dr. Brett McInelly, who shared some exciting news for this issue! As readers and members of the eighteenth-century studies community will remember, several journals and many individual authors and editors were devastated by the collapse of AMS Press several years ago. Our parent publication, Religion in the Age of Enlightenment (RAE), was one of the journals left stranded without a publisher. Nanyang Technological University (NTU) generously stepped in to publish the journal under its new title, Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment, but the editorial team was unable to provide access to Volumes 1-5 of RAE.

That access is now available! Dr. McInelly and his amazing team at Brigham Young University have scanned all of the back issues of RAE, uploaded them online, and allowed SRE to link to the RAE archive on our website. We are delighted to be one of the portals by which the widest possible audience can access one of the invaluable journals that was impacted by the AMS collapse. We thank Brigham Young University, Dr. McInelly and his team, and Nanyang Technological University for enabling a branch of eighteenth-century studies to survive its night of troubles.

In another update, SCSECS 2024, “The Book and the City” will be hosted by John Scanlan and held in Portland, Oregon (March 1-2, 2024) at the Heathman Hotel. Readers interested in romance will notice a thematic connection between the 2023 conference on Don Quixote, perhaps the most famous critique (or not?) of the chivalric romance, and the 2024 conference held at the distinguished Heathman Hotel—a pivotal location in one of the most (in)famous romances in recent memory: the Fifty Shades of Grey trilogy. The romance genre—its pleasures and its status as catnip for critics—seems indeed to have been created to cause trouble, Don Quixote perhaps even more so.

How is it possible to discuss what a text like Don Quixote is other than to describe what it does? Don Quixote crosses generic boundaries, celebrates an older literary tradition (chivalric romances) that it simultaneously denounces as outmoded, and upholds an ostensibly “bad” reader as the best reader—someone who cares as much, if not more, about literature as “real” life, as much about the power of story as about the power of lived experience. But how do we understand lived experience if not through the meaning-making power of story? Don Quixote, like the denigrated genre of the romance, challenges the very boundaries that we use to “think critically.”

This irresolvable tension, the simultaneous love and rejection of what one voluntarily occupies one’s time with (reading is the ultimate escape into a different “reality”), has echoed through the centuries since Don Quixote’s publication. From Margaret Cavendish’s “Blazing World” of the imagination to Jane Austen’s sophisticated defense-critique of the gothic (and of teenage readers everywhere) in Northanger Abbey, from Charlotte Lennox’s dark-quirky vision of female self-alienation in marriage in The Female Quixote and Richard Graves’s The Spiritual Quixote all the way down to Ian McEwan’s Atonement and other works of contemporary metafiction, Don Quixote’s frail, benighted knight has cast a long shadow over all modern prose fiction.

Recent scholarship has studied Don Quixote as a figure not only for the modern age but also for the vagaries of the present day. Aaron Hanlon has seen in the Quixote a figure of exceptionalism, even political exceptionalism; Amelia Dale has argued that quixotism is a gendered and psychological impression enabled by print culture; and Scott Black has defended the power of the romance genre by linking it to Quixotism and the recursive reading that suspends and therefore disrupts the present moment. Indeed, Don Quixote has always troubled theories of the novel, particularly those dependent on an Anglocentric focus on the eighteenth-century “rise” of the novel for middle-class Protestant audiences. It is past time to disrupt that canon, for if Don Quixote—a product neither of English culture, nor the eighteenth century, nor the Protestant work ethic—can be a novel, what even is the novel? How useful are the generic boundaries we use to theorize it? Margaret Doody has raised these issues not only in The True Story of the Novel (1996) but also in her brilliantly insightful introduction to the Oxford edition of The Female Quixote. More recently, works by Nicole

Horejsi (Novel Cleopatras, 2019) and Bethany Williamson (Orienting Virtue, 2022) have, from very different angles, used the figure of the female Quixote to challenge both the global and the canonical place of the eighteenth-century English novel. But at the center of these invaluable studies is the place of fantasy in modern literature: romance is traditionally excluded from “serious” fiction—because it is for women, or because it is about feelings, or pleasure, or sex, or private life rather than the serious business of politics, statecraft, and History. But don’t politics, nationalism, and history all rely on stories, even, sometimes, outright fantasy? Hasn’t romance—hasn’t Don Quixote—been the great scapegoat of modern literary history: foolish and believing; wandering, troubled, and troubling?

All six of the articles in our special issue are devoted to some aspect of this troubling aspect of Don Quixote—its invitation for us to see the world through an unfamiliar lens.  Anaclara Castro-Santana leverages the gendering of the quixote figure in the “long” eighteenth century. While Charlotte Lennox’s The Female Quixote (1752) is the most famous instance of a women author writing about women’s experiences as those of a Quixote, Castro-Santana takes a longer view of the gendered quixotic tradition to explore Aphra Behn’s engagement of “Cervantic ingredients” in The Emperor of the Moon (1687). Charles Tita reads Ignatius Sancho’s Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho, An African (1782) as a rhetoric that resists the dismissal of Black British genius, “artistic imagination,” and critical political awareness by his white contemporaries and, ultimately, even his editors. Serena Foster analyzes quixotic villains and the strategy of veiling in gothic literature. Foster’s analysis raises the possibility that quixotism may be monstrous—that the fantasies of those with power can be very dangerous for everyone else. Jonahs Kneitly focuses on the gendered exceptionalism of the Quixote figure in The Female American (1767) while also exploring the liminality and limits of religious performance.  Susan Spencer explores Quixotic resonances not in one but two “long” eighteenth-century East Asian classics: the Korean novel Kuunmong by Kim Man-jung and the Vietnamese poem Truyện Kiều by Nguyễn Du. Spencer, like Foster and Kneitly, focuses on female Quixotes and shows how male authors in non-Western contexts also used female characters to wrestle with historical periods of crisis. Finally, K. A. Kale takes up the Quixotic gauntlet of defending the much-maligned “formula” fiction genres of the romance and the whodunit.

Kale uses the test case of the McGuffin plot device to analyze the structural similarities of novels by Charlotte Smith and Wilkie Collins.  Kale explores how the narrative closures so demanded by formula fiction might not have developed as they did. This line of inquiry challenges some of the most basic and dearly held assumptions about genre fiction, thereby troubling the formula-fiction-is-too-pleasurable-to-be-taken-seriously assurances of some criticism. After all, formula, like genre, informs meaning while enabling variety. To dismiss formula fiction outright is like Glanville dismissing the romance genre before finishing a single book. Who does it serve to believe that marrying Glanville is Arabella’s happy ending in The Female Quixote? Is The Female Quixote a happily-ever-after story? Or something else?

Taken together, these articles reaffirm the vibrancy of the Quixotic tradition while troubling comfortable notions of what realism, the novel, and the modern imagination are and are supposed to do. After a year of global upheaval and trauma, it remains for the reader to decide whether Don Quixote is a figure of much-needed escapism from a brutal world, or a fellow-traveler in that same world. Perhaps neither is an impossible dream.

*

This issue is dedicated to the fellow travelers that SCSECS has lost since 2020: Howard Weinbrot, Colby Kullman, and John Burke—whose genial spirit will always be associated with the Miracle of Malacca journey the SCSECS board shared … once upon a time.

The Romance of Mystery and the Mystery of Romance: Charlotte Smith’s Ethelinde, Wilkie Collins’ “I Say No,” the McGuffin, and Narrative Closure

Article by K. A. Kale
The Romance of Mystery and the Mystery of Romance: Charlotte Smith’s Ethelinde, Wilkie Collins’ “I Say No,” the McGuffin, and Narrative Closure
DOI: 10.32655/srej.2023.3.1.2
Cite: Kale, K.A. 2023.  “The Romance of Mystery and the Mystery of Romance: Charlotte Smith’s Ethelinde, Wilkie Collins’ “I Say No,” the McGuffin, and Narrative Closure,” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 3(1): 21-27.
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In this article, I argue that Charlotte Smith’s novel Ethelinde (1789) is structurally similar to Wilkie Collins’s novel “I Say No” (1884).  As a consequence, Ethelinde highlights similarities between two of the great genres of formula fiction: the romance and the whodunit. Further, I shall argue that the twentieth-century theory of the McGuffin can complicate generic conventions by showing how a driving narrative force can evade clear categorization as either a McGuffin or not. This case study reveals how performing a careful reading of these two historical novels may problematize the narrative certainty usually identified with formula fiction.

Norris J. Lacy defines the McGuffin as “something—a person, an object, an event—the primary purpose of which is to motivate the characters and therefore the plot, whether or not that ‘something’ possesses any implicit significance. . . . As long as the characters think something is important, and that ‘something’ propels the plot, we are dealing with a McGuffinization.”[1] My analysis in this article features how two novels negotiating (sometimes incipient) generic conventions pairs fruitfully with the intellectual uncertainties of the McGuffin, which is at once the driving force of the narrative and a person, object, or event of fungible meaning. For instance, the secret papers in a spy film have meaning because characters care about the end of a story. McGuffins do something to the plot, but their “implicit significance” is subjective. While Lacy analyzes the medieval romance genre, his analysis very much coincides with the quixotic theme of this special issue.[2] It was as a reader of chivalric romances that the titular protagonist of Don Quixote (1605, 1615) problematized the certainty of the narratives in the “real” world around him; moreover, his pursuit of the knightly life of chivalry is another potential example of a McGuffin.[3]

Lacy continues: “The episodic construction [of the medieval romance] does require an initial motivating force, an object or event that underlies and propels the plot development. And that motivating force constitutes a McGuffin when its use to animate the plot is as least as important as, or more important than, its intrinsic value.”[4] This definition implies that there may in theory be problematic cases where the status of an objective as a McGuffin or not is unclear—there may be a subjective dispute about the objective’s intrinsic value. In this paper, I will show that Ethelinde indicates how a problematic case might arise in a more striking form, in which the classification of an objective as not merely a plot motor depends on whether the text that contains it can be read as a deconstruction of the text’s notional genre.

Lacy’s article also indicates that a plot objective classified is a McGuffin may be either resolved or unresolved within the text and that a resolved plot objective either may be a McGuffin or it may not. This leaves open the question of whether a major plot objective can be left unresolved without being a McGuffin. Initially this possibility appears to be a contradiction in terms, but Ethelinde indicates how it could arise.

Standard definitions of the whodunit and romance genres show their similar focus on revealing, respectively, a culprit or partner at the conclusion. Encyclopaedia Britannica defines a detective story as a “type of popular literature in which a crime is introduced and investigated and the culprit is revealed.”[5] Oxford Reference defines a whodunit as “a story or play about a murder in which the identity of the murderer is not revealed until the end.”[6] A whodunit is a specific kind of detective story. Although Oxford Reference states that the term whodunit dates back to 1930, the definition is satisfied by many earlier stories, and in the present article, the specific term whodunit will be used to include these examples for brevity, even though technically this analysis will be anachronistic. While not mentioned in the cited definitions, the whodunit will typically first have intellectual closure (the identity of the culprit is revealed to the reader) and then moral closure (either the culprit is punished or else reasons are given why he should not be punished). The present article, for simplicity, takes the position that there is only a single murderer. Romance Writers of America define a romance as consisting of “a central love story and an emotionally satisfying and optimistic ending.”[7] All three of these genre definitions involve two criteria: one relating to the subject of the narrative and the other to the pleasures of closure. The term deconstruction is used in this article in the sense of the first meaning in the Cambridge Dictionary: “The act of breaking something down into its separate parts in order to understand its meaning, especially when this is different from how it was previously understood.”[8] The two early novels Ethelinde and “I Say No” call into question the generic boundaries of the romance and whodunit genres, respectively, even before those boundaries were solidified, and so they are not typical deconstructions. These anachronisms and atypical uses of terms, which might be considered reductive in another context, are justified here because the approach will be formalistic and not historical or cultural.

Having established the key genre definitions, I shall now provide background on the context and structural elements of the novels in question. Wilkie Collins (1824–1889) was a Victorian sensation novelist who is known primarily for early works of detective fiction—The Woman in White (1860) and The Moonstone (1868; subtitled “A Romance”).[9] Charlotte Smith (1749–1806) led a difficult life but still managed to publish ten novels.[10] Lisa Ottum refers to Ethelinde, Smith’s second novel, as one of the author’s “more obscure” works.[11] Despite Ethelinde’s relative neglect, I argue that it nevertheless potentially demonstrates structural resonances with, if not influences on Collins’s “I Say No.” Primarily, each novel involves the author in a potential dilemma about the closure of the work. Ethelinde features two potential suitors for the titular heroine, both of whom are morally and psychologically well-suited for her, leaving her in a quandary. “I Say No” features a murder with two suspects but no conclusive proof against either of them. The expected closure of a romance is marriage (or at least a “happily ever after”); the closure of a whodunit is revelation followed by either punishment or forgiveness.

The approach used in this article is similar to Dennis Porter’s in The Pursuit of Crime (1981), in which he analyzes individual texts in terms of their underlying structures rather than their historical, cultural, or biographical contexts.[12] But while Porter considers the structural functions of the various actors in the detective story (detective, false detective, witnesses, suspects, and false suspects), my analysis will use the structural functions of the rake and the old maid characters for the examination of the romance plot, and it will use the generic conventions of intellectual and moral closure during the analysis of the whodunit. Marriage and solving a crime are at the centers of the romance and whodunit genres, respectively, and Ethelinde problematizes certainty within the romance genre in a manner which is also characteristic of the whodunit “I Say No.” Many later whodunits are about bafflement rather than uncertainty, in the sense that while there is a limited pool of suspects, it is initially unclear how any of them could have committed the crime, and thus the question of how the murder was carried out takes precedence over the question of who did it. In contrast, “I Say No” presents a stark situation in which there are only two suspects; either of them could obviously have committed the murder, each of them is implicitly pointing the finger of blame at the other, one of them is lying, and the only question is which one.

By including exactly two plausible suitors, Ethelinde shifts the reader’s focus away from assessing the individual merits of each man and toward the structural problem of uncertainty—which suitor will ultimately succeed? This shift foreshadows the whodunit, where the strength of evidence against the suspects is more important to the detective plot than examining each suspect’s character. In the romance, the protagonist is always invested in understanding the suitors’ characters. With only one suitor, a romance would concentrate on obstacles to the desired union, whether internal, such as psychological barriers, or external, such as financial issues. Similarly, in a detective story with one suspect, the interest lies in seeing how the case is built rather than identifying the culprit, making it a discussion of constructive proof rather than knowledge.

I shall now begin my detailed analysis of Ethelinde. There are three structurally important points: first, the introduction of another potential suitor; second, his apparent death; and third, his resurrection from the ranks of the apparently deceased. The book begins with the introduction of the first hero, Sir Edward Newenden, who is married to another woman but attracted to Ethelinde. As the narrator observes, “her Ladyship [Lady Newenden, Sir Edward’s wife] beheld with great apparent indifference the preference which Sir Edward sometimes too evidently gave to the society of Ethelinde.”[13] At this stage, the reader’s natural expectation is that Lady Newenden will be disposed of, either through death or divorce, to allow the marriage of Sir Edward to Ethelinde. The text exploits Lady Newenden structurally, by presenting her as an obstacle to the closure of the marriage plot, and thus also by foreshadowing her possible removal as that obstacle. The introduction of the second hero, Montgomery, leads readers both to question their expectations about Lady Newenden’s fate and to wonder how Smith will resolve this structural dilemma: the heroine cannot simultaneously be married to both heroes, even if Lady Newenden dies. When the second hero of Ethelinde is presumed dead later in the book, readers are more inclined to believe in his death because the narrative drive seems to dictate it. Sir Edward says: “The information that [news]paper contained, my Ethelinde, is unhappily too true. When I received your letter, I made enquiry at Paris. The accounts I have from thence leave no doubt.”[14]

In addition to breaching the implicit compact between the author and the reader by contradicting supposedly unassailable evidence of Montgomery’s death, the hero’s subsequent resurrection negates the potential function of the book as a complicated marriage plot. Just before Montgomery reappears in the novel, and a few pages after the reader is told of Lady Newenden’s death,[15] Sir Edward proposes marriage to Ethelinde.[16] She refuses because of her love for Montgomery: “The tenderest affections of mine are buried in the grave of Montgomery. Every hour in its passage convinces me that it will be ever impossible for me to recall them to any other object.”[17] Thus Ethelinde would potentially have remained unmarried if the report of Montgomery’s death had been accurate. Ethelinde also features two characters who, for different reasons, do not intend to marry: an old maid and a rake. They perform similar functions in that they oppose the structural closure of the conventional marriage plot, just as Ethelinde’s sentiments do. These two characters are Miss Newenden and Lord Danesforte.

Miss Newenden, Sir Edward’s sister, is introduced as a counterpoint to Lady Newenden: “the indolent apathy of Lady Newenden was not disturbed by the boisterous vivacity of her sister-in-law, who, occupied almost entirely by the stable or the kennel, considered her Ladyship as a pretty, insipid doll, whose mind was a mere blank, and whose person was fitted only to advantage the feminine fineries which she herself despised—her own dress being usually such as was distinguished from that of man only by the petticoat” (4). At one point Miss Newenden declares (“in a sharp tone and quick manner”): “Look ye, Sir Edward. . . . I know nothing of love, nor of the fine sentimental stuff [that] sets half the people in the world to make fools of themselves.”[18] Later she criticizes her brother’s passivity in the face of his wife’s provocations in terms that cast a light upon her own character: “He was so much in an habit of bearing her insolence and caprice, that I thought he would never have grown restive let her have done what she would. I dare say that all this rearing and kicking, will end in his being quiet again, and submitting to the curb as gently as ever. Ned was always as soft hearted as a girl; and has no notion of taking the bit between the teeth and setting off, as I should have done long ago, if I had been jaded by such a vain, ill tempered, proud doll.”[19] The narrator adds that Miss Newenden “never had the least notion of checking whatever she had a mind to say, lest it should hurt the feelings of another.”[20] And Sir Edward tells Montgomery, “My sister, though without the slightest disposition to do wrong, is not only singular and absurd in her pursuits, but thinks in a manner peculiar to herself ; while other women at her time of life, for she is not yet thirty, solicit the function of some older woman; or take the utmost care to observe a punctilious decorum in their company and manners, Miss Newenden has determined to live her own way, and to associate with men, as well as rival them in field sports.”[21] Similarly, the text reveals of Lord Danesforte that “his houses, his equipages, his horses, his mistresses, his dinners, were the theme of the day,”[22] but “marriage was no part of his scheme of life.”[23]

Thus Miss Newenden lacks interest in marrying because she has no amorous interest in the opposite sex, and Lord Danesforte lacks interest because he is so attracted to women in general that he does not wish to attach himself to any one in particular. These two character types are not uniquely to be found in Ethelinde. Charlotte Lennox’s Euphemia (1790) features “the fearless huntress Miss Sandford, who, at the age of forty-five, declares her fixed resolution never to marry, though an Endymion were to court her; and boasts of her wonderful art in keeping men at a distance”;[24] and Charlotte Smith’s Celestina (1791) includes Captain Thorold, who “from having indulged himself in the cruel vanity of extensive conquest, was incapable of any lasting or serious attachment.”[25] However, the presence of the old maid and the rake in the same novel, and one in which the author has chosen to focus on the question of uncertainty in the marriage plot by including two plausible suitors for the heroine, reinforces the possibility of a lack of closure.[26]

Miss Newenden does eventually—and unexpectedly—marry, but like the resurrection of the second hero, this development undermines the theme of the book. Ethelinde sacrifices thematic unity for the sake of surprising the reader on these two occasions. If it had not done so, it would have had a lack of resolution in the main marriage plot, together with a collection of three different reasons for opposing the closure of such a plot. Thus Ethelinde hints at the possibility of an alternative romance text, one that defies convention.[27]

My earlier publication on “I Say No” further illuminates the structural parallels between romance and mystery plots by revealing a mystery with two suspects but no proof against either of them, analogous to the hypothetical alternative version of Ethelinde with two suitors for the heroine but no marriage.[28] At the end of “I Say No, one of the two suspects dies of natural causes, and the article argues that this death can be construed as an extrajudicial retribution by the constructed author, which also serves as a means of identifying the murderer through the generic convention that the culprit is always punished unless specific reasons are given why he should not be. This argument crucially relies upon the reader’s knowledge of the fictionality of the text, since the real world does not have a convention which ensures that murderers are always identified. Thus in “I Say No” we have knowledge of the criminal’s identity but no constructive proof, and the novel is not merely a mystery without a solution but a deconstruction of the nature of the mystery plot.[29] The imperative for moral closure (the murderer must be either punished or explicitly forgiven) leads to the satisfaction of intellectual closure (the murderer must be identified) rather than the other way around, as in a conventional whodunit.[30]

The alternative text hinted at in Ethelinde has an open ending which involves no marriage for the heroine.[31] “I Say No” suggests a different kind of open ending within the romance genre. As a hypothetical example of this kind of open ending, consider Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park (1814) with a revised conclusion consisting of a letter from William Price to a fellow naval officer in which Price mentions casually that his sister Fanny has been married, but he does not mention to whom.[32] Then the reader would not know whether Fanny has married Edmund Bertram or Henry Crawford. This hypothetical alternative ending yields a closure which is formally the opposite of that in “I Say No”: in the first case, the closure of the romantic plot is known to the characters but not to the reader; in the second, the closure of the whodunit plot is known to the reader but not to the characters.

A difference between the Collins and the Smith deconstructions is that “I Say No” spotlights the fictionality of the text, whereas Ethelinde spotlights the similarity in function between the old maid and the rake in the specific context of the marriage plot. Porter’s analysis of The Moonstone demonstrates that this novel is structurally complex for two reasons : first, the various individual roles in the whodunit genre (detective, false detective, suspect, false suspect, witness) are split between multiple characters; and secondly, many of the characters fill multiple roles. My analysis of Ethelinde benefits from being viewed as an analogue of Porter’s: two character types which are not staples of the romance genre (the rake and the old maid) and which do not have specific functions within that genre are nevertheless present in this special case and serve the purpose of generic deconstruction.[33] Another difference between the Collins and the Smith deconstructions is that by not having any intellectual closure on the diegetic level, the text of “I Say No” leads the reader to consider an extradiegetic argument in which the traditional order generally found in the whodunit of intellectual closure followed by moral closure is reversed. In contrast, the text of Ethelinde invites the reader to consider the possibility that the traditional romantic closure of the marriage plot (the heroine is married at the end of the book) might be replaced by aesthetic closure (the heroine remains unmarried but the fiction has artfully included three characters with different reasons for not marrying). This consideration has the function of putting vicarious romantic fulfilment in opposition to intellectual satisfaction. Since the romance genre has only one potential type of closure (the romantic fulfillment of the heroine), interchanging the order of two different types of closure (as in “I Say No”) is not possible.

“I Say No” presents a mystery which is apparent both to the characters and to the reader and a solution which can only be perceived by the reader, and only if they acknowledge the fictionality of the text and the existence of generic conventions. Ethelinde and “I Say No” both challenge the incipient conventions of what would become the two great genres of formula fiction.

I conclude by discussing the relevance of Ethelinde to the theory of the McGuffin. Ethelinde, as it stands, is a romance in which the final objective of the heroine’s marriage is clearly not a McGuffin. However, the marriage plot in the alternative text (with the heroine, the rake, and the old maid all unmarried) could be reasonably classified as either a McGuffin or not. On the one hand, as the heroine has remained unmarried, the heroine’s marriage must be regarded as merely a device to set the train of events in motion. On the other hand, the specific nature of the heroine’s final predicament (caught between her feelings for two lovers), together with the presence of two characters on the fictional canvas whose function is to oppose the closure of the marriage plot for different reasons, indicates that the purpose of the text is not closure but deconstruction. Thus, even though the nominal initial purpose of the narrative (the heroine’s marriage) has not been achieved, the final point of arrival is more important than the journey. If the purpose of the destination is to question the motivation for the journey, one cannot argue that this motivation is merely a fungible device for setting the journey in motion.

The structural parallels between Ethelinde and “I Say No” lead to the question of whether the latter novel could be similarly analysed in terms of McGuffin theory. The answer is both yes and no. The reader who is unwilling to accept the fictionality of “I Say No” is faced with a mystery which has no solution and, consequently, has to accept that the mystery is a McGuffin, a device to justify the associated investigation. The reader who is willing to accept the fictionality of the text, together with the associated generic conventions, has a solution to the mystery, and consequently, this mystery cannot be a McGuffin. Thus, different readers could legitimately disagree about the status of the mystery. It is not about an issue of subjective judgement, as it would be in many other cases—the importance of the potential McGuffin to the reader—rather it is about the philosophical question of whether or not the reader is willing to suspend their disbelief in the fictionality of the text. However, since the second way of reading “I Say No” yields a solution to the central enigma of the text, in this case the text does not involve a non-McGuffin that lacks closure. So the answer could be “yes”—as in the alternative version of Ethelinde, the main plot driver can reasonably be classified as either a McGuffin or not. Yet the answer could also be “no”: “I Say No” does not, in either reading, include an example of an unrealized objective which is not a McGuffin.

In this article, I have shown how an analysis of Ethelinde in conjunction with “I Say No” highlights the structural similarities between the romance and the whodunit. It has also shown how the potentially open-ended nature of Smith’s text illuminates the theory of the McGuffin. It has done so by suggesting an example of a plot objective for which definitive classification as either a McGuffin or not is philosophically impossible, and if it is classified as not a McGuffin, it counterintuitively remains unresolved at the end of the text.

ENDNOTES

[1]. Norris J. Lacy, “Medieval McGuffins: The Arthurian Model,” Arthuriana 15, no. 4 (Winter 2005): 53–63; 54.

[2]. See Encyclopaedia Britannica Online, s.v. “medieval prose romances,” https://www.britannica.com/art/romance-literature-and-performance/Medieval-prose-romances for a comprehensive definition of medieval romance so as not to confuse it with the romance as defined later in this article.

[3]. Miguel De Cervantes, Don Quixote, trans. Charles Jarvis, ed. E. C. Riley (Oxford: Oxford University

Press 2008).

[4]. Lacy, “Medieval McGuffins,” 63.

[5]. Encyclopaedia Britannica Online, s.v. “detective story,” accessed November 10, 2023, https://www.britannica.com/art/detective-story-narrative-genre.

[6]. Oxford Reference, s.v. “whodunit,” accessed November 10, 2023, https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803122345287;jsessionid=4FEBCAD7699047819C54006E63EB544B.

[7]. “About the Romance Genre,” Romance Writers of America, accessed November 10, 2023, https://www.rwa.org/Online/Romance_Genre/About_Romance_Genre.aspx.

[8]. Cambridge Dictionary, s.v. “deconstruction,” accessed November 10, 2023, https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/deconstruction; emphasis added.

[9]. Wilkie Collins, The Woman in White, ed. H. P. Sucksmith (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980); Wilkie Collins, The Moonstone, ed. J. I. M. Stewart (London: Penguin, 1986). For further background on Collins, see Kenneth Robinson, Wilkie Collins: A Biography (London: Bodley Head, 1951); Catherine Peters, The King of Inventors (London: Secker & Warburg, 1991); Melisa Klimaszewski, Wilkie Collins (London: Hesperus Press, 2011); Peter Ackroyd, Wilkie Collins (London: Chatto & Windus 2012); and Andrew Lycett. Wilkie Collins: A Life of Sensation (London: Hutchinson, 2013).

[10]. Loraine Fletcher, Charlotte Smith: A Critical Biography (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998).

[11]. Lisa Ottum, “‘Shallow’ Estates and the ‘Deep’ Wild: The Landscapes of Charlotte Smith’s Fiction,” Tulsa Studies in Women’s Literature 34, no. 2 (Fall 2015): 249–72; 250.

[12]. Dennis Porter, The Pursuit of Crime: Art and Ideology in Detective Fiction (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981).

[13]. Smith, Ethelinde, 11.

[14]. Smith, Ethelinde, 561.

[15]. Smith, Ethelinde, 565.

[16]. Smith, Ethelinde, 574.

[17]. Smith, Ethelinde, 575.

[18]. Smith, Ethelinde, 329.

[19]. Smith, Ethelinde, 375; emphasis added.

[20]. Smith, Ethelinde, 376.

[21]. Smith, Ethelinde, 419.

[22]. Smith, Ethelinde, 30.

[23]. Smith, Ethelinde, 31.

[24]. Charlotte Lennox, Euphemia, ed. Susan Kubica Howard (Toronto: Broadview Press, 2008), 192.

[25]. Charlotte Smith, Celestina, ed. Loraine Fletcher (Toronto: Broadview Press, 2004), 178.

[26]. A deconstruction of the marriage plot is not the same as a criticism of the social institution of marriage. The latter could be achieved straightforwardly by portraying a number of dysfunctional marriages. For example, Norman Page’s introduction to another Wilkie Collins novel, Man and Wife (1870), states: “What begins, then, as a novel about the validity or invalidity of a particular form of marriage turns into one that radically questions the institution of marriage itself, and in particular what it entails for women.” Norman Page, introduction to Man and Wife, by Wilkie Collins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), xi–xii.

[27]. This is the text which would have been written if Smith had chosen not to have Miss Newenden marry and had also chosen to end Ethelinde before the revelation that Montgomery was still alive, thus leaving Ethelinde unmarried. In this alternative text, Ethelinde’s marriage is the (unfulfilled) plot objective whose status as a McGuffin is debatable, and the reasons for this ambiguity are discussed at the end of this paper.

[28]. K. A. Kale, “Yes and No: Problems of Closure in Collins’s ‘I Say No,Wilkie Collins Society Journal (1998): 44–46.

[29]. “I Say No” is also another example of a text in which the status of a plot objective (in this case, to find the identity of the murderer) as a McGuffin is debatable.

[30]. A mystery without a solution could very easily be created by taking any conventional whodunit and truncating it by excising the chapter with the solution and any succeeding chapters. However, lack of closure does not in itself make a deconstruction.

[31]. In the actual novel, Ethelinde does marry Montgomery once she discovers that he is still alive.

[32]. Jane Austen, Mansfield Park, ed. June Sturrock (Toronto: Broadview Press, 2001).

[33]. A rake could of course be present in any romance as one of the suitors, but in this case, his unwillingness to marry would only serve to disqualify him as the specific “murderer” of the romance (the future spouse) and would not deconstruct the genre.

Estranged by a Veil: The Gothic Other and the Uncanny Sublime

Article by Serena Foster
Estranged by a Veil: The Gothic Other and the Uncanny Sublime
DOI: 10.32655/srej.2023.3.1.1
Cite: Foster, Serena. 2023.  “Estranged by a Veil: The Gothic Other and the Uncanny Sublime,” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 3 (1): 6-20.
PDF


The Gothic mode deals with the supernatural that is suppressed within the mind, to be felt when one’s imagination is allowed too much freedom. Characters in these texts must contend with the supernatural loosed from within, so authors of the Gothic bind up all the uncanniness of the mind into a single physical form, a stranger, an Other, that can be expelled from the ordinary world. The Other-as-Villain is a quixote who envisions an idealized future at odds with the parameters of Enlightenment realism. I contend that this Other, acting as both a quixote and an embodiment of terror, allows the supernatural to breach the confines of modernity, providing the protagonists with a corporeal villain to either defeat for the preservation of one’s rational mind or fall victim to as an exile from modernity.

The Gothic was created in response to the Enlightenment and, in many ways, showcases the very opposite of an “enlightened” society. Gothic texts took on “a kind of toxic side effect” of the Enlightenment—the uncanny, which Terry Castle defines as “a new human experience of strangeness, anxiety, bafflement, and intellectual impasse.”[1] The Gothic is founded upon this idea of the uncanny, and Gothic authors incorporate an Other to act as a driving force for the uncanny within their texts. The Gothic Other is a symbol of alienation and is constructed out of one’s first and second nature. Georg Lukács defines first nature as “a set of laws for pure cognition . . . as the bringer of comfort to pure feeling, [a nature which] is nothing other than the historico-philosophical objectivation of man’s alienation from his own constructs.”[2] Lukács defines second nature as “the nature of man-made structures,” or societal constructs.[3] One might also refer to first nature as interiority and to second nature as exteriority. The Gothic occurs when both first and second nature point to man’s own alienation. When a person’s thoughts lack comfort, depression sinks in, and imagination unrestrained by reason convinces man of his alienation. This person begins to see a certain strangeness in his societal world, which no longer encourages reason, or rather interiority within the individual. Therefore, alienated on both fronts, the Gothic Other finds himself in a crisis, which allows the elements of the Gothic to take root.

The relationship between the Gothic Other and the supernatural enables an exploration of how those endowed with reason so easily succumb to what even they consider to be a backwards and archaic notion of what is “real.” For this exploration, I will delve into several key aspects of Gothic novels, particularly quixotism, temporal displacement and the Enlightenment, the influence of Catholicism on Gothic literature, and finally, the monstrosity of the Gothic Other. Through these key points, I will map out the nature, cause, and role of the Other as a quixotic villain, using three primary texts: Horace Walpole’s The Castle of Otranto (1764), Ann Radcliffe’s The Italian (1797), and Matthew Gregory Lewis’s The Monk (1796). As the first novel written in the Gothic mode, The Castle of Otranto lacks the fully realized Gothic Other seen in later works. The identity of the true Gothic Other is not immediately apparent but rather becomes clear by way of the supernatural. This ambiguity makes Walpole’s novel a rather uneasy fit for the purposes of this essay; however, The Castle of Otranto still has much to say on the formation of the Gothic Other, and it is these formative elements whereupon my analysis of Walpole and his Gothic novel will focus. The Italian and The Monk showcase the Gothic Other in its most developed iteration, but they do so with different approaches. Radcliffe presents a psychological, terror-focused version of the Gothic novel, while Lewis writes a horror-driven, sensationalist Gothic novel. Although these two novels come from different subgenres of the Gothic, their representation of the Gothic Other is much the same. For example, Radcliffe and Lewis both rely heavily on the use of physical, not just metaphorical, veils in their novels. The veils in these texts help to depict the monstrosity of the Gothic Other as a villainous quixote and the danger posed to the protagonists of Enlightened realism. The first half of this essay will examine a few of the key elements of what separates Gothic literature from other texts, and the second half will delve into how veils shape and alter characters, particularly the Gothic Others.

Temporal Displacement: The Enlightenment

Many novels entertain a degree of temporal displacement between the reader and the characters; this occurrence is not exclusive to the Gothic or even to all historical genres. However, temporal displacement in the Gothic is heightened by the tension between the premodern narrative form of the romance and the rationalist requirements of Enlightenment realism. Scott Black identifies reading as “an activity of temporal displacement as much as historical placement, [where] reading may short-circuit the progress assumed by modernity, producing eddies in time or introducing pockets of the past into the present.”[4] Literature is not always meant to represent the modern era of the author; sometimes, it transports the reader to a place imitating what once was. In these instances, the romance narrative resurfaces even in “modern” literature. Black further notes that “foundational romances present themselves as secondary, belated, and critical adaptations of strange, archaic, or foreign narratives.”[5] In Miguel de Cervantes’s Don Quixote (1605), the protagonist idealizes the “real” by taking chivalric romance seriously; prioritizing romance over realism sets up the strange and archaic scenes that the novel’s ambiguous parody displays. Yet the Gothic Other is the counterpart to Don Quixote—equally focused on an aspirational vision of the world and yet entirely self-interested in the use of premodern enchantment. The Gothic Other as a quixotic villain represents the threatening possibility of a resurgence of the world of ghosts, magic, divine will, superstition, and irrational omnipotence.

These transports are linked to a temporal displacement that takes readers away from the Age of Reason. The Enlightenment laid the groundwork for our modern era, bringing with it a designation of reason as one’s central mode for understanding and also requiring a rejection of the belief in ghosts and apparitions as unreasonable.[6] Yet, while dismissing the supernatural with science and reason, “rationalists did not so much negate the traditional spirit world as displace it into the realm of psychology.”[7] Rationalists created a new world of Enlightenment in which ghosts and apparitions could only exist in an irrational mind. This process, where “mental phantoms [take] on an uncanny ‘life’ in the mind,”[8] is what Terry Castle calls spectralization: “by relocating the world of ghosts in the closed space of the imagination, one ended up supernaturalizing the mind itself.”[9] The Gothic Other is this spectralization given human form.

This romantic resurgence of the supernatural in Enlightenment realism links quixotism to the Gothic. According to Amelia Dale, “quixotism is involved in the gap between reader and text, it paints the preconceptions that mark the reader’s view.”[10] The quixotism of Gothic literature is due to its foundational reliance on the supposed temporal distance between the supernatural and the world of reason. Because the Gothic supernaturalizes the mind, the emergence of the supernatural becomes more about perception and feeling than actual physical experience. This occurrence is especially true of later Gothic works, such as The Italian, where the perception of the supernatural is more a product of the mind than a physical experience. Yet the first Gothic novel, The Castle of Otranto, relies heavily on supernatural occurrences rather than on mere mental fictions. Gothic works moved away from Walpole’s approach to the supernatural since imaginary ghosts could be more easily dispelled and the return to modernity more readily secured. Yet echoes of these physical apparitions still exist in later works: Ambrosio’s death at the Devil’s hand in The Monk shows how supernatural entities can bring about very real and physical consequences.

The characters’ perception of the supernatural in the world around them stems largely from the supernaturalized state of their own mentalities. Anxiety about ghostly apparitions stems from repressed notions of the supernatural, a worry that is recalled by an excess of imagination and which the Gothic presents as sublime because imagination is “by nature unrepresentable.”[11] Because of the Enlightenment, the supernatural is confined solely to the human unconscious, where mankind has yet to dispel it. The Gothic Other is, then, rooted in the mind, and the audience is left to wonder if modernity can ever be truly free of a romance that inhabits the subterranean realms of Enlightenment realism.

Catholicism and the Gothic

Catholicism’s influence on the Gothic arises out of early modern disputes between Protestants and Catholics in both social and political spheres that are far too complex to explore in this essay. It must be noted, however, that Gothic authors situate their novels in a past that is rifled with religious, social, and political conflict, specifically one that is anxious about the Roman Catholic Church reasserting its pre-Reformation power.[12] Diane Hoeveler identifies a “Gothic ideology” that she defines as “a reification and representation of the hystericized nun, the murderous and shape-shifting monk, the ominous Inquisition scenario and the haunted ruined abbey.”[13] These Gothic tropes represent the strong anti-Catholic sentiments that were widespread in England during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.[14] Anti-Catholic sentiments arise in the Gothic as a result of Catholicism’s “uncomfortably uncanny tendency to resurrect itself as a continuing dynastic and political threat, [such that] the British Protestant imaginary sought to sooth its anxieties by battling the lingering forces of Catholicism by way of proxy”: the Gothic story.[15]

As mentioned above, Walpole’s The Castle of Otranto is a rather uneasy fit in this essay due to the underdevelopment or even lack of several key elements seen in later Gothic novels, one being the strength of its anti-Catholic sentiment. Where are the evil monks and corrupt abbesses; the ruinous, ghastly abbeys; and the feared Inquisition? Here, the representative of the Church, Friar Jerome, is a noble, if ultimately ineffective, antagonist to the Gothic villain, the quixotic usurper of political legitimacy, Manfred. Ultimately, it is the supernatural itself acting like a divine power that forces into motion the chain of events that reveals the stranger, Theodore, to be the true and virtuous heir. Manfred, the novel’s quixotic villain, tries to manipulate the power of the Church for the harm of the good Princess Hippolita and the virtuous Lady Isabella, but ultimately it becomes clear that his legitimacy is based on a misreading of a historical text (a forged will) much like Don Quixote’s pursuit of chivalric ideals based on romance novels. But if there is any ambiguity about the power of the Church in the novel itself, Walpole (or rather, the fictive translator) gives the reader a key in the preface.

In his preface to the first edition of The Castle of Otranto, Walpole pairs Catholicism with superstitions and falsehoods and every manner of thing “believed in the darkest ages of Christianity.”[16] He uses the Catholic Church as a vehicle with which to bring the past to the present, and in so doing, Walpole creates a terror of the mind where Catholicism becomes part of that terror. Furthermore, Walpole was acutely aware of the generic boundaries he was crossing. In the preface to the second edition, he mentions the arduous task of merging the ancient romance of the ostensibly original text with a modern style of romance more fit to his audience.[17] The way in which Walpole connects Catholicism to ancient romance and its unrealities reveals an anti-Catholic anxiety before the story even begins.

Later Gothic works, such as The Italian and The Monk, establish stronger anti-Catholic sentiments where “Catholicism becomes the ‘other’ against which the English, Protestant ‘self’ is defined.”[18] This disequilibrium urges the protagonists to defeat the Gothic Other, who is often a representative of the Catholic Church, such as Father Schedoni (The Italian) and Ambrosio (The Monk). Thus, the walls of this old institution are torn down in a way that allows “religion itself [to remain] untouched, even strengthened,” thereby supporting the Protestant cause.[19] The Gothic Other, with the supernatural past he brings to modern reality, must be expelled in order to dispel the corruption in religion and to return reason to realism.

Quixotism in the Gothic

In her essay “The Quixotic Eighteenth Century,” Amelia Dale notes that “quixotism persistently seems to involve an opposition between two poles . . . These poles . . . [shift] with different readers and contexts . . . [and] situate themselves within transcultural and epistemological questions about nation, identity, gender, print, and the novel.”[20] She specifically lists nine quixotic dichotomies with one being interiority versus exteriority,[21] and this particular quixotic dichotomy brings us to Georg Lukács and his concept of two natures. As mentioned previously, Lukács defines first nature as “a set of laws for pure cognition” (interiority) and second nature as “a complex of senses—meanings—which has become rigid and strange” and as a set “of man-made structures” (exteriority).[22] The Gothic situates a battle between interiority and exteriority in the person of the quixote who struggles to find a balance between the two and who consequently risks becoming (and often does become) a villain.

Dale’s dualistic concept of quixotism entails a meeting of “enchanted reading and disenchanted realism,” which she terms the “beveled edge.”[23] The Gothic novel is built upon repressed notions of the supernatural recalled by an excess of imagination, the occurrence of which is presented with themes of the sublime and the uncanny. Edmund Burke asserts, “A mode of terror or pain is always the cause of the sublime.”[24] The Gothic, as a mode of writing that incites terror, is endowed with a plethora of sublime moments, and it pairs that theme with the uncanny via the recurring appearance or fear of ghostly apparitions. This uncanny sublime of the Gothic brings the disenchanted realism of the protagonists and also the audience to a meeting with an enchanted reading of the protagonists’ dire situations. The Gothic is an intrinsically quixotic text, one that positions the Gothic Other as a quixote because of his relationship with the supernatural and his placement in a society based on realism that is no match, on its own, for the sublime. The Gothic Other raises a terrifying possibility: What if Don Quixote were powerful and malevolent? Would Enlightenment realism have the resources to defeat such an adversary?

The Gothic Other

The Enlightenment denigrated superstition by relegating it to the unenlightened past, yet Gothic sublimity challenges this relegation. As such, “the most sublime moments of Gothic fiction occur when something that should have remained in the past, something that should have remained dead and buried, has returned in the present, creating disequilibrium.”[25] This return of the past threatens self-preservation; when the past returns to haunt the subject, it arouses passions which are at once the most powerful but also the most representative of the sublime.[26] The Gothic uses the sublime to depict the supernatural, or more specifically, the uncanny. “The Gothic sublime,” or the uncanny sublime as Cameron often calls it, “reveals that which is immanent and inaccessible, that which has been repressed” and, most importantly, “the inherent inconsistency and incompletion of the newly emergent immanent-oriented view of the world.”[27] The uncanny sublime critiques modernity by calling into question this repression of the supernatural. Repression creates a monster or villain that the enlightened protagonist must confront.[28]

These Gothic monsters are essential because in order for our heroes to expel the uncanny from their reality, the uncanny must be constructed into something material; thus, the Gothic Other is born. No man can hope to dispel the darkness of night nor prove its eeriness truly unreasonable, but one can contend with another man and banish him from the land. The protagonist is given a physical being to defeat or exile, thus ridding the land of its uncanny sublimity and restoring reality to its enlightened state. This physical being is characterized as a stranger whose exotic nationality and culture shroud him in horrific mystery and whose demonization “enforce[s] a strict notion of group sameness.”[29] When Theodore is first mentioned in The Castle of Otranto, he is immediately ostracized by Manfred as the harbinger of evil that has slain his son. The servants and guests follow their lord without question and Theodore is imprisoned.[30] Manfred is the true source of terror in The Castle of Otranto, but he chooses to blame Theodore as the one who has brought terror to his doorstep in order to disguise the fulfillment of the prophecy and ultimately the way Manfred others himself. Here, we see the half-formed Gothic Other that will be fully realized in later Gothic novels:[31] Theodore the stranger is not at all terrifying, and Manfred the domestic patriarch is the terrifying quixote of the novel. Theodore initially is associated with obscurity and, potentially, terror, but it is Manfred who is ultimately revealed to be the true, terrifying usurper of domestic authority.

The Castle of Otranto shows some initial ambiguity about who the Gothic Other truly is, which Radcliffe and Lewis later expound on and help to clarify. While Walpole crafts Theodore as both stranger and hero who must contend with the villain Manfred, the strangers in The Italian and The Monk (i.e., Schedoni and Ambrosio, respectively) are the monstrous villains. The Gothic Other, thus, becomes both stranger and monster; he becomes the villain instead of the hero. The combination of these archetypes created a doubly powerful villain who was not only a greater source of terror but who also incidentally pulled the story further away from the Enlightenment realism that was developing in the eighteenth century, all of which would have been considered problematic by some readers.

Enlightenment realism developed alongside the rise of the middle class and domestic fiction, in which more developed mental faculties, specifically interiority, became desirable for women.[32] Yet the interiority informed by private reading may lead to dangerous quixotic impulses, and so a woman’s virtue could be threatened by having her fancy drawn in all the wrong directions by the wrong unenlightened kind of fiction. The Gothic story, then, is not only about “awaken[ing] . . . the pleasures of the body” (i.e., “the simple and fleeting joys of being frightened” and “the experience of mortality and corporality”)[33] but also about a particular kind of journey of self-discovery: Can the reader resist the sublime Other, or will she indulge the quixotic pursuit of the very desires that Enlightenment realism rejects as taboo?

The Gothic Other penetrates the mind of the audience with every shadowy glimpse of his hidden countenance, which incites the consciousness into an excess of imagination. Walpole names terror as his “principal engine” in The Castle of Otranto, the use of which “prevents the story from ever languishing” and incites pity to such a degree “that the mind is kept up in a constant vicissitude of interesting passions.”[34] As such, the Gothic was considered, at least in part, dangerous to the minds of young men and, especially, women, a sentiment which eventually culminated in Radcliffe’s “explained supernatural,” abruptly putting an end to the quixotism of her stories in their denouements. The irrational events occasioned by the Other’s pursuit of his unrealistic, idealized future is perfectly explained in the final chapters of Radcliffe’s novels as a way of returning to normalized society, where practicality and abiding by societal expectations reign supreme.

Radcliffe’s explained supernatural abruptly dispelled the audience’s reverie, which was considered a powerful force, one that could capture all control of the mind, so much so that reverie was believed to “[have] the power to lead one out of oneself into madness.”[35] Too much reverie was thought to be dangerous for young women because it would lead them into “continuous internal rebellion.”[36] Conduct books were intended to help restrain the minds of young women since many people recognized that an excess of imagination could be irrevocably damaging. “Quixotes,” for example, “are concerned with reading’s power to mark the mind and shape the reader’s character.”[37] The pairing of quixotism with the Gothic produces a doubly powerful and concerning reading experience on the unguarded imagination. An excess of imagination or even curiosity might lead to anxiety and paranoia, yet a controlled amount of imagination, anxiety, and paranoia was still considered beneficial. Necessary for the restraining of this constant “internal rebellion” in women was “an attitude of paranoia and a habit of surveillance,” which would keep them on their guard against such unrespectable thoughts.[38] The Gothic, especially its quixotism, preys upon this mental engine, inciting the audience’s imagination and increasing their anxiety to the point that paranoia threatens to take root.

Because of this paranoia, the Gothic is bound up in contending with the Other, who not only disrupts normal life but threatens its continuation; this monster must be dealt with not merely as a threat to the internal self but also to society. The Enlightenment forced the uncanny into the recesses of the mind; however, by so doing, modernity created a new monster, one who is both ghostly and human, one who represents the supernatural yet is also modern. The Gothic Other is the voice of everything that has been repressed by the Enlightenment, where “what is repressed is not something fearful, but rather anxiety itself.”[39] In this way, “the uncanny . . . is actually a product of modernity” rather than a mere echo of the pre-Enlightened world.[40] The displacement of the supernatural from the world by modernity inadvertently entombed the supernatural within the subconscious of the mind rather than dispelling it completely, and the Gothic reawakens these ideas of the supernatural by bringing them to the forefront of the mind. The ghostly apparitions in The Castle of Otranto are not a hallucination of Manfred’s despite his paranoia; however, later Gothic authors rely more on the supernatural as it exists in the mind rather than as a physical entity. Manfred attempts to remove the supernatural from the space he intends his descendants to rule forever by using a stranger as a scapegoat to hide the fact that his illegitimate rule, representative of modernity, calls forth supernatural intervention. In The Castle of Otranto, the stranger—a representation of the past since Theodore is the true heir whom Manfred and his ancestors had displaced—is forced into the role of the apparent Gothic Other, while Walpole points to modernity, or Manfred, the usurper and suppresser, as the source of the uncanny.

The uncanny is the repressed that must be contended with and resuppressed, and it threatens to reemerge whenever the imagination is allowed in excess to loosen the chains of the unreasonable or inexplicable. The Gothic Other, acting as modernity’s own construct, threatens its achievements by drawing the characters and the audience to that time in the past when the supernatural reigned supreme. As such, the Gothic Other temporarily displaces modernity for the remembrance of what was and casts a monster as the actor of that displacement. The embodiment of terror into a single figure, the monster and displacer of modernity, grants the characters a single object with which to engage Gothic terror. Theodore is neither terrifying nor the villain. But terror is displaced onto him by Manfred, the true villain, whose monstrous narrative of political dominance, enabled by his vision of a new dynasty forcibly birthed by Isabella, repulses the audience. His romantic desire is considered incestuous by Isabella and the audience. Here, we see that the Gothic does not portray the quixotic good man but rather the quixotic evil one, a man whose unrealistic romantic desires are not chivalrous but criminal and uncanny.

The terror Manfred incites in his pursuit of this idealized future begins to draw him, the usurper, away from his true nature. The estrangement of Manfred from what Lukács calls first nature (“a set of laws for pure cognition”), what we might call interiority, incites the formation of the Gothic and leads Manfred to view his “self-made environment as a prison” and also causes Theodore to suffer actual imprisonment.[41] The terror Manfred incites shapes him into a monster (from the Latin word monstrum, which etymologically translates to “that which reveals” or “that which warns”).[42] These Gothic monsters are warnings against imaginative excess which simultaneously serve as revelations of the repressed supernatural and the dangers of such suppression. In this way, the Gothic Other is monstrum ex machina, the one who suddenly appears without explanation and whose nature and presence creates the conflict that must be resolved, often abruptly, before the novel can conclude.

Sometimes this conflict is resolved by a resistance to the uncanny. At the novel’s conclusion, Manfred realizes the error of his ways but not until after he has murdered his own daughter by mistake. While he is to some extent redeemed, having conceded the principality of Otranto, Manfred must still remove himself from the world, resigning himself to a nearby monastery for the rest of his life in penance for his crime. The Gothic Other must be removed from the protagonists’ reality in some way, either through a retirement from public life or through death.

Yet while the protagonists must dispel the Gothic Other, there is a danger that they may come to desire what this Other possesses. In The Italian, Ellena at first believes Schedoni designs to murder her, but upon learning of their familial relation, albeit an inaccurate one, she quickly shows signs of tenderness toward him.[43] In The Castle of Otranto, however, the stranger and the Other are split between two characters, where the desire is toward Theodore rather than Manfred. Before she even knows his name, Isabella addresses Theodore as “courteous stranger,” “generous youth,” and “Sir,” as if he were a nobleman and not the peasant the audience believes him to be.[44] Matilda, too, quickly comes to admire and even love Theodore, a stranger. Both girls form an admiration for this young man before they even lay eyes on him due to their encounters with him, which are always marked by obscurity—for Isabella it is the darkness of the tunnel, and for Matilda it is the separation of differing apartments, where she can only hear Theodore. Their desire, then, arises out of the stranger’s obscurity. In later Gothic works, this obscurity presents a danger since the stranger is the Gothic Other who tempts characters (and readers) down the dark path of the uncanny and supernatural.

The blending of the stranger and the Gothic Other into a single character by later Gothic authors creates an antagonist plagued by internal conflict or, at the very least, who is two-sided in nature. In order to better recognize how Walpole’s successors altered his Gothic mode by reconciling the stranger and the Other into a single role, we must look to the height of its development. The next section of this essay will explore Lewis’s The Monk and Radcliffe’s The Italian, both of which confuse the audience as to the source of the uncanny by using the element of the veil. The veil obscures the Gothic Other, allowing him to act out ill-will in pursuit of the future only he desires under the guise of virtue and good intention. The veil is an essential vehicle within the Gothic because its obscuring of the “real” enables the masking of both identities and motivations as well as a troubling of the boundaries between the Other, the protagonists’ own inner darkness, and the realism of virtuous, normalized society.

The Shroud of the Veil

Radcliffe and Lewis use veils in a variety of ways.[45] The veil often “appears in the form of words such as ‘reveal,’ ‘obscure,’ ‘shroud,’ and ‘conceal.’”[46] Most significant of these is “the verb ‘to reveal’ (‘re-veil’) [which] has a double meaning: (1) it may mean to cover again with a veil in the sense of, once again, drawing the veil over yourself, or (2) it may mean to pull back the veil in the sense of unveiling your features or of revealing yourself.”[47] The double meaning of the word “reveal” is important in the plot of The Italian, for it signifies the sudden appearances and disappearances of the stranger who proclaims the terrifying warning to Vivaldi at the novel’s beginning. When Vivaldi first sees Ellena, he sets his heart on marrying her, but his mother strongly opposes the match and beseeches the monk, Father Schedoni, to prevent their nuptials. Schedoni kidnaps Ellena and takes her to a convent. After Vivaldi rescues Ellena, their nuptials are again prevented by Schedoni who sends the Inquisition to arrest Vivaldi on false charges. Ellena is again kidnapped by Schedoni who now designs to murder her, but when he is about to commit the fatal act, he suddenly suspects a familial connection, and believing her to be his daughter (though she is later revealed to be his niece), Schedoni makes plans to secure her protection and future happiness. Schedoni is brought before the Inquisition to shed light on their interrogation of Vivaldi. The truth of Schedoni’s murderous past is revealed, and he is sentenced to death. Throughout the story as Vivaldi seeks to bring the identity of his shrouded opponent to light and as Schedoni endeavors to keep his murderous past a secret, Schedoni is constantly pushed back and forth between Vivalid’s attempts to unveil him and his own attempts to re-veil himself.

Lewis similarly employs this trope of repetitious veiling and unveiling but in a literal sense rather than Radcliffe’s preferred metaphorical means. Throughout the novel, Matilda unveils and re-veils herself, withdrawing her veil in the presence of Ambrosio to act as the woman she is and replacing the veil to hide her femininity and act as the man Rosario in the presence of others. While Ambrosio’s temptation to villainy continually increases after Rosario reveals himself as a woman and seduces him, the cross-dressing Matilda proves much more villainous. However, as the novel’s focus is the fall of Ambrosio from salvation to damnation, he is cast as the primary villain with Matilda acting as his seducer and the catalyst to his fall. Matilda aids Ambrosio in his endeavors to rape Antonia, who Don Lorenzo is simultaneously attempting to court, but Don Lorenzo is interrupted by Don Raymond’s troubles. After being set upon robbers, Don Raymond falls in love with Agnes, who is Don Lorenzo’s sister and the niece of the Baroness whom Don Raymond saved from the robbers. His plot to elope with Agnes goes terribly wrong, and she (believing Don Raymond to be lost to her forever) willingly takes the nun’s veil. Don Lorenzo and Don Raymond’s endeavors to rescue Agnes from the abbey that has locked her away ultimately entwine with Ambrosio’s plot to rape Antonia. Ambrosio’s fatal descent to Hell’s gates at the novel’s end is instigated by the veiling and unveiling of his seducer. The veiling of Matilda allows her to obscure the true terror she produces as a worker of evil, and Ambrosio’s own terror is veiled until his first act of fornication, at which point his veil begins to slip off with each passing crime, slowly bringing to light his blood-stained faults. While the veiled Nicola (The Italian) and Matilda (The Monk) are suspected of wrongdoing—of which they are, in fact, guilty—they are not guilty of the crimes upon which these novels’ plots rest. They are not the antagonists of their stories; they point to villains in their process of becoming othered through the wearing of veils. Here, we begin to see the Gothic Other take shape: characters who rely on veils are objectified and become othered and regarded, at least in some respect, as villainous.

Other characters wear veils too, but they do not become the Other; however, they are still objectified to an extent, acting as surfaces, like the veils they wear, to be marked, colored, and molded into shape.[48] There is an exchange of characteristics that occurs between the veil and the wearer. The veil seeks to muddle the wearer’s identity as a way of preventing its comprehension and, as a result, confuses its own identity with that of its wearer. For example, the veils of women are sexually charged, for “the veil that conceals and inhibits sexuality comes by the same gesture to represent it.”[49] Radcliffe describes a woman’s veil as one “which gives dignity to their air and softness to their features,” highlighting “every grace that ought to adorn the female character.”[50] These veils receive the characteristics of the surface they veil, and while they conceal identity, they may incidentally draw greater attention to certain characteristics of the wearer. When Antonia is first introduced in The Monk, her face is “hidden by a thick veil,” but its slight dishevelment allows two young onlookers “to discover a neck” comparable to a goddess and in possession “of the most dazzling whiteness.”[51] The whiteness of her skin and her white dress become confused because the fabric highlights Antonia’s most striking features despite her best efforts. That “her bosom was carefully veiled” only seems to draw more attention to it, just as the little glimpses of her skin leads the onlookers to notice her “delicate proportions” even down to her little feet.[52] Antonia becomes conflated with the veil that mimics her features, a mere object as if she were some statue on display for others’ pleasure, like the Venus de’ Medici to which she is compared.[53] There is a certain sublimity among veiled women, whose bodies become sexual landscapes for men to behold with the utmost awe and admiration.

When worn by men, especially criminals, veils often inspire an uncanny sublimity, where an excess of imagination—estrangement from first nature and a lack of interiority—reveals what has been repressed: an inclination toward lust, seduction, and murder. For Marguerite (The Monk), “it was not till after [her] Seducer’s death” when the veil of his false character had fallen “that [she] discovered his hands to have been stained with the blood of innocence.”[54] In the same way that Lewis confuses Antonia’s white garments with the “dazzling whiteness” of her skin, the veil can inscribe its own attributes onto its wearer, for these characters are mere surfaces, objects to be inscribed upon, burdening these characters with the terror of the Gothic. Even Ambrosio views himself as “the object of universal execration” when he realizes that he has become “stained with the most loathed and monstrous sins.”[55] The hands of criminals are surfaces to be stained like the way that blood stains a veil.

Like the strangers who are the embodied uncanny, the protagonists and virtuous characters are also treated as objects whenever they don the veil. In The Monk, Agnes’s drawing of the ghost of the Bleeding Nun portrays the nun with a veiled face and “her dress . . . stained with the blood which trickled from a wound upon her bosom.”[56] Her veiled attire becomes bloodied by her wounded body, a fatal injury which her veil highlights by hiding her face, thus, drawing the audience’s attention away from the identity of the figure and toward the blood-seeping wound. This ghostly nun’s identity is lost in fabric; she becomes the clothing—a mere agent for its motion—and the fabric becomes her, absorbing her blood as if it were its own. Even her face assumes the white color of her veil,[57] for as a corpse she possessed all “the paleness of death.”[58] Although Agnes’s scheme to escape her fate of taking the veil (ironically by veiling herself as the ghost of the Bleeding Nun) utterly fails, she “is turned by her family and the convent” of her imprisonment “into something like this spectre.”[59] By the time Don Lorenzo finds her in the underground cavern, she had become “a Creature . . . so wretched, so emaciated, so pale, that He doubted to think her Woman.”[60] In this way, the Gothic Other is not the only character to be objectified by the veil. Every character who wears a veil, if only briefly, is subject to objectification; they risk being stained by the uncanny when they wear its disguise.

While the veil holds the power of transformation, characters do not assume a veiled guise with the expectation of undergoing change. Their intent is to mask their features. Vivaldi uses the evening to “conceal his steps” when he visits Altieri to catch a glimpse of Ellena,[61] and even when he makes the mistake of “disturb[ing] the clematis that surrounded the lattice” beside which he watches and listens to Ellena, he is undiscovered because he is “entirely concealed by the foliage.”[62] No transformation occurs in this veiled concealment, because natural veils are perhaps the least invasive of all the kinds of veils. The Gothic Other is always transformed the most by veils, yet even Vivaldi, a character not affiliated with the otherness of the Gothic, is still objectified; he is presented as an object to be hidden. In a similar way that Schedoni keeps a “dagger concealed beneath his Monk’s habit; as he had also an assassin’s heart shrouded by his garments,”[63] Vivaldi is hidden in anticipation of the perfect moment to strike—Vivaldi to woo, the dagger to slay. He is mistaken for what hides him, concealed by his body’s confusion with the foliage. While veils can be used to temporarily hide one’s entire person and presence, veils most often serve to mask one’s identity in order for characters to move about freely. The religious vestments associated with the Catholic Church, including the veil, lend themselves to this pursuit.

While the buildings of the Catholic Church were meant to act as sanctuaries for the wearied and the troubled, the manipulative use of religious vestments often associates the Catholic Church with malign power in the Gothic. Every aspect of the Church (whether it be a monastery, a convent, or even the Holy Inquisition) “can be regarded as a kind of veil.”[64] The Church protects Olivia from Schedoni’s wrath by concealing her identity from the world, Schedoni’s murderous past is veiled by his vocation under the holy Church, and convents serve as temporary safe spaces for young women like Isabella and Ellena, or retrospectively, as a prison, which establishes (along with Schedoni’s and Ambrosio’s false purity) a fear of the Church. When Ann Radcliffe published The Italian in 1797, she wrote a few lines of poetry for the novel’s title page, which set a precedent for anti-Catholic sentiments in the story:

He, wrapt in clouds of mystery and silence,
Broods o’er his passions, bodies them in deeds,
And sends them forth on wings of Fate to others:
Like the invisible Will, that guides us,
Unheard, unknown, unsearchable![65]

Radcliffe compares Schedoni or, more generally, the corrupt members of the Catholic Church to the God they serve. Judith Wilt sees both the Gothic antihero—for so she labels Schedoni—and the perception of God that emerged during the Enlightenment as being “distinguished primarily for an obsessive, hidden, tyrannous, ambiguous will.”[66] This “terrible dilemma” means that the evil father and the good Holy Father are not so easily distinguished, for they are both unheard, unknown, and unsearchable.[67]

Attention is drawn several times in the novel to the inhuman nature of Schedoni. Bonarmo describes the veiled Schedoni as being “more than human” because of the way that “he glided past [him] with a strange facility.”[68] He moves through the night, not walking or running but gliding across the earth without any sound of footfalls; he moves unheard. Schedoni is described as if he were some supernatural being whose apparent ability to defy the normal laws of nature bathes his features in a ghastly light. His appearance incites terror, evincing the exact opposite effect as that of the Christian God, despite sharing the qualities of being unheard, unknown, and unsearchable. Later, at the moment when his destruction is set in stone by his own poison, “Schedoni uttered a sound so strange and horrible, so convulsed, yet so loud, so exulting, yet so unlike any human voice, that every person in the chamber, except those who were assisting Nicola, struck with irresistible terror, endeavoured to make their way out of it.”[69] Schedoni’s inhuman qualities terrify people and depict him as some anti-God, some demon who opposes the holy Creator. Along with the monk’s determination to oppose him, these supernatural qualities lead Vivaldi to name Schedoni his very own “evil genius.”[70] There is a sense here of the monk’s unexpected, terrible power. Schedoni’s ability to mask his emotions—to lie, to scheme, to feign feelings that are not his own—prevents Vivaldi from discovering his origins and true intentions. “The monk Schedoni,” says Wilt, “is of an unknown, in fact unsearchable, past; he eludes every inquiry.”[71] Only by persons from his past, people with secret knowledge of his origin, is Schedoni undone in the end; if not for them, Schedoni’s will—obsessive, hidden, tyrannical, and ambiguous—would never be subordinated to the power of Enlightenment realism.

The way Radcliffe connects Schedoni to God through a similarity of characteristics is intrinsically important, showing from the novel’s onset how the veil confuses identities. Whether that is a literal veil to disguise one’s features or a cognate veil, where a person’s history and background are veiled from discovery, the veil makes the distinction between one man and another less defined. Veils represent exchange; they are a “locus of substitution” where people and objects are often mistaken for what they are not.[72] Schedoni is mistaken for his brother and Nicola is mistaken for Schedoni. Even Virginia is substituted for Antonia as Don Lorenzo’s love interest at the conclusion of The Monk with the veil acting as the intermediary in their substitution (Virginia wore the veil as a nun, and Antonia wore it to hide her beauty). The Gothic is grounded in substitution, one which causes the greatest of confusions and the danger of calamity to be realized. Ambrosio is unaware of his relation to Antonia, and he rapes and murders his own sister. Schedoni, too, almost kills his own niece, mistaking her for his daughter only moments before he would have followed through with the act. Gothic literature is driven by this unknown, veiled knowledge which brings confusion, danger, and calamity upon its characters. The culmination of this hidden knowledge is brought to physical representation by a stranger whose presence creates confusion, warns of danger, and incites calamity.

Thus, it is necessary for this stranger, the Gothic Other, to be defeated and expelled from the characters’ reality in order for normal life to resume; protagonists must successfully remove the uncanny by banishing this stranger, or they risk becoming the Other itself. When Vivaldi is kept from Ellena by the Inquisition, his only recourse for seeing her again is to un-veil Schedoni. As “a haunted lover,” Vivaldi has no choice, “it seems, but to haunt the haunts of the other.”[73] Vivaldi must reveal Schedoni’s horrible past and denounce the Gothic Other. He must haunt Schedoni’s own haunts (the crimes of his past) by holding Schedoni’s terrible history over his head in order to free himself of Schedoni and find love with Ellena. Thus, Vivaldi confronts the uncanny in order to uproot it from his reality. Both Vivaldi and Ellena veil themselves at various moments throughout the novel. To escape the uncanny, they must engage with it and defeat it. The uncanny is only powerful if it is feared.

Ambrosio also interacts with the uncanny through Matilda, and his failure to resist her ploys leads Ambrosio to fall prey to his wicked desire; he becomes the Other. Ambrosio’s ever-growing sexual desire, which Matilda plants within him, leads him into the impractical pursuit of Antonia’s romantic favor, one he could never possess while serving as a monk. Similar to Schedoni, who is unable to live a happy life with his niece because of his murderous desire, Ambrosio becomes a quixotic villain for his failure to recognize the impossibility of his idealized, evil desires within the confines of his society. What eventually proves to be his downfall, Ambrosio’s pride in his perfection despite his obvious flaws, is wrapped in a misogynistic undertone: his need to conquer women, either by rape or murder, stems from his own anxiety about gender.

Ambrosio had been confined to the abbey until he was thirty years old.[74] Ambrosio is sheltered by the Catholic Church like a young woman whose virtue is fragile compared to the temptations and vices of society. The Church acts as a veil to his womanish charms of naïveté and untested virtue. The unveiling of his friend Rosario as his admirer Matilda even further confuses his gender role. The roles of seducer and innocent victim are reversed as Matilda acts with all the worldly experience, cunning, and dominance associated with men, while Ambrosio has characteristics associated with the inexperienced girl in need of molding by others. His interiority, a woman’s defense against the temptations of the world, proves inadequate next to his unchallenged seducer. Ambrosio’s failure results from his reliance on what Lukács calls a second nature, [75] a set of societal laws, “which has become rigid and strange, and which no longer awakens interiority.”[76] Ambrosio begins to question the rules of society and, specifically, the Church because of Matilda’s willful influence. Ambrosio’s interiority, which is weakened by his confinement, cannot resist his excess of imagination and lust.

Furthermore, Ambrosio’s wrongs not only scar himself but also the Church, for the Church acts as his veil, and the attributes between the veil and the veiled are contagious. The shame Ambrosio brings upon the office of monk defames the Church as a whole; thus, just as the Catholic Church has failed to help him to develop his interiority, Ambrosio fails the Church and incites a mob against all within those holy walls. In this way, Ambrosio falls to worldly vice; he becomes the Gothic Other, beyond redemption, when he sells his soul to the Devil. The Other is banished from reality by his murder and the mob’s rage against the abbey.

Conclusion

The Gothic Other is brought to life by the elements that compose Gothic stories. Some degree of the supernatural is crucial to the creation of the Gothic Other, which is achieved by distancing the characters, and by extension the reader, from the Age of Reason. A historical setting is often employed to utilize these elements, where the appearance of ghosts was believable and not just a tall tale. But other methods can be employed to the same purpose, such as the naivety of Northanger Abbey’s protagonist Catherine Morland.

The Gothic Other is not only the central focus of these kinds of stories but also the reason for their existence. The Gothic is a mode by which authors can experiment with the foreign, the taboo, and, most especially, the uncanny. As a mode, the Gothic is not limited to some specific historical period because the supernatural exists in everyone’s mind; it lives on, age after age, to be dealt with in new ways by new generations, never to disappear. Similarly, the Gothic Other embodies a condition of the mind that leads the characters and the audience to view that which is foreign as terrifying because of its obscurity, to feel as if some villain rather than mere ignorance must be the source of their feeling of uncanniness. The Gothic Other is the uncanny made material so as to give the characters a physical entity to expunge from their modern reality. But the Gothic can never completely disappear. The Gothic is about resisting the uncanny: the narrative forces characters to interact with the supernatural through the strange Other whom they either defeat or are defeated by. In the defeat of the Other, the supernatural is resuppressed, to be dealt with again at another time. The uncanny Gothic Other is the threat of the irrationality of the pre-Enlightened age—its reappearance serves as a warning to guard one’s reason. The Gothic Other is the construct that allows the supernatural to reassert itself when modernity has all but expunged it. At stake in grappling with the corporeal, quixotic villain is the preservation of modernity’s own realism.

ENDNOTES

[1]. Terry Castle, The Female Thermometer: Eighteenth-Century Culture and the Invention of the Uncanny (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 8, https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uh/detail.action?docID=272922.

[2]. Georg Lukács, “From The Theory of the Novel: A Historico-Philosophical Essay on the Forms of Great Epic Literature,” in Theory of the Novel: A Historical Approach, ed. Michael McKeon (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2000), 185–218; 190, https://doi.org/10.56021/9780801876509.

[3]. Lukács, “From The Theory of the Novel,” 191.

[4]. Scott Black, “Introduction: Romance and the Turbulence of Literary History,” in Without the Novel: Romance and the History of Prose Fiction (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press: 2019), 1, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvkrkkcd.4.

[5]. Black, “Introduction,” 1.

[6]. See Terry Castle, “The Gothic Novel,” in The Cambridge History on English Literature, 1660–1780, ed. John Richetti (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), https://doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521781442.028. In this essay, Castle provides a detailed explanation for how the Enlightenment acted as a catalyst for the rise of the Gothic. The Enlightenment essentially deprived people of the sensuality they were accustomed to feeling in their everyday lives. The Gothic attempts to restore this sense of feeling that the Age of Reason displaces. Its setting in the past brings the audience back to a time when ghosts and goblins were not only believed in but were also feared, inducing in the reader a sense of terror for the characters who may unexpectedly fall into some alarming scene. In this way, the Gothic acts as a temporary cure to the “languor, listlessness, or want of resolution” that the modern reader might fall into when their reason removed every passionate feeling that one’s personal ambition required to function (698).

[7]. Castle, Female Thermometer, 161.

[8]. Castle, Female Thermometer, 181.

[9]. Castle, Female Thermometer, 161.

[10]. Amelia Dale, “The Quixotic Eighteenth Century,” Literature Compass 19, no. 5 (2022): 1–13; 4, https://doi.org/10.1111/lic3.12660.

[11]. Ed Cameron, “Ironic Escapism in the Symbolic Spread of Gothic Materialist Meaning,” Gothic Studies 10, no. 2 (2008): 18–34; 19, https://doi.org/10.7227/GS.10.2.3.

[12]. Gothic texts were largely used to promote Whiggish interests in eighteenth-century England and are thus infused with an array of political and historical contexts. Diane Long Hoeveler states, “The Gothic chapbook and novel . . . caution[ed] the lower classes against the liberal policies of the Church of England and wag[ed] something of a propaganda war against the passage of a number of bills that eventually gave Catholics emancipation in 1829” (The Gothic Ideology: Religious Hysteria and Anti-Catholicism in British Popular Fiction, 1780–1880 [Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2014], 9). Gothic texts thus tacitly commented on English politics and supported the Protestant, Whiggish interests. Gothic texts tell of how the supernatural is problematic to modern society and showcase an effort to remove the supernatural from that society. The fact that these novels harbor anti-Catholic sentiments projects the idea that Catholicism also ought to be removed. The proposal of Gothic texts (i.e., the supernatural is not real and only what is real should be allowed to remain in modern society because that society is rooted in realism, which is itself a construct created by modern society) reveals the persistent propaganda of the Whig party to uproot Catholicism’s political power.

[13]. Hoeveler, Gothic Ideology, 19.

[14]. See the first chapter of Diane Hoeveler’s Gothic Ideology for an in-depth exploration of the events, both political and social, that stimulated an anti-Catholic atmosphere.

[15]. Hoeveler, Gothic Ideology, 29–30.

[16]. Horace Walpole, The Castle of Otranto: A Gothic Story, ed. Nick Groom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 5.

[17]. Walpole, Castle of Otranto, 9–10.

[18]. David Salter, “‘This Demon in the Garb of a Monk’: Shakespeare, the Gothic and the Discourse of Anti-Catholicism,” Shakespeare 5, no. 1 (2009): 52–67; 57, https://doi.org/10.1080/17450910902764298.

[19]. Judith Wilt, Ghosts of the Gothic: Austen, Eliot, and Lawrence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 32, https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400857500.

[20]. Dale, “Quixotic Eighteenth Century,” 2–3.

[21]. Dale, “Quixotic Eighteenth Century,” 6. The dichotomies that Dale lists are the following: the world as it should be versus the world as it is, representation versus reality, romance versus realism, the (ideal) type versus the individual, exceptional versus typical, quest for sameness versus quest for difference, aristocratic feudalism versus mercantile capitalism, dogmatism versus skepticism, and interiority versus exteriority (6).

[22]. Lukács, “From The Theory of the Novel,” 190–91.

[23]. Dale, “Quixotic Eighteenth Century,” 6.

[24]. Edmund Burke, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful: With an Introductory Discourse Concerning Taste, ed. Abraham Mills (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1863), 169, https://www.google.com/books/edition/A_Philosophical_Enquiry_Into_the_Origin/G_28Q73B2GcC?hl=en&gbpv=1.

[25]. Cameron, “Ironic Escapism,” 19.

[26]. In Philosophical Enquiry, Burke notes that “ideas of pain, sickness, and death” incite horror and passions concerning self-preservation, which “are the most powerful of all passions” because the way that they “turn chiefly on pain and danger” leaves lasting impressions upon the mind (51). These impressions, not physical experiences, are caused by the sublime, which Burke defines as any idea that excites the emotions with pain and danger distanced enough from the viewer so as to create a tingling, guilty delight rather than actual trepidation (66).

[27]. Cameron, “Ironic Escapism,” 19.

[28]. See Sigmund Freud, “Second Lecture,” in Five Lectures On Psycho-Analysis, ed. James Strachey (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1977), 21–28. While repression returns the subject to a state of happiness, “the repressed wishful impulse continues to exist in the unconscious” (27; emphasis removed). Although a resistance is established to prevent its return, what was repressed eventually “succeeds in sending into consciousness a disguised and unrecognizable substitute for what had been repressed, and to this there soon become attached the same feelings of unpleasure which it was hoped had been saved by the repression” (27). In the Gothic, this substitute is the Other who is embodied with the repressed supernatural that breaks through modernity’s resistance bringing with it the unpleasure of doubts concerning what is reasonable that echoes the pre-Enlightened era.

[29]. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, “Monster Culture (Seven Theses),” in Monster Theory: Reading Culture, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), 3–25; 15, https://doi.org/10.5749/j.ctttsq4d.4.

[30]. Walpole, Castle of Otranto, 20–21.

[31]. This semi formed version of the Gothic Other is to be expected from The Castle of Otranto since Walpole developed a new genre with this novel. Later Gothic authors like Radcliffe and Lewis would expand on his blueprint for the Gothic novel and perfect his iteration of the Gothic Other.

[32]. See Nancy Armstrong, Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990). In her introduction, Armstrong examines this discipline of interiority that emerged with the middle class in Europe. Armstrong regards the middle class as those who willingly subjugated themselves to this proper social conduct as a means of uplifting and distinguishing themselves from the working poor. This resistance, especially to an excessive imagination, was considered essential for a person to maintain their virtue. The way to becoming a strong and mature woman was to develop this interiority. This restraint of imagination and the subsequent development of interiority was sustained in conduct books, where audiences, especially women, were taught not only to value these characteristics but also to develop them in their own everyday habits.

[33]. Cohen, “Monster Culture,” 17.

[34]. Walpole, Castle of Otranto, 6.

[35]. Castle, Female Thermometer, 165.

[36]. Cannon Schmitt, “Techniques of Terror, Technologies of Nationality: Ann Radcliffe’s The Italian,” ELH 61, no. 4 (1994): 853–76; 863, https://doi.org/10.1353/elh.1994.0040.

[37]. Dale, “Quixotic Eighteenth Century,” 7-8.

[38]. Schmitt, “Techniques of Terror,” 871.

[39]. Cameron, “Ironic Escapism,” 24.

[40]. Cameron, “Ironic Escapism,” 28.

[41]. Lukács, “From The Theory of the Novel,” 191.

[42]. Cohen, “Monster Culture,” 4.

[43]. Ann Radcliffe, The Italian, ed. Frederick Garber (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 224–25.

[44]. Walpole, Castle of Otranto, 28.

[45]. See Elizabeth Broadwell, “The Veil Image in Ann Radcliffe’s ‘The Italian,’” South Atlantic Bulletin 40, no. 4 (1975): 76–87, https://doi.org/10.2307/3199122. Broadwell provides a detailed analysis of the many kinds of veils and the ways in which Radcliffe employs them. These veils include the literal, metaphorical, social, psychological, natural, temporal, and veils of the sublime and of sensibility as well as those relating to one’s vocation (e.g., the Church acting as a veil for Schedoni and Olivia and also retirement, being a lack of vocation, acting as a veil for Signora Bianchi who sees no one because of her retired seclusion).

[46]. Broadwell, “Veil Image,” 77.

[47]. Broadwell, “Veil Image,” 77.

[48]. See Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, “The Character in the Veil: Imagery of the Surface in the Gothic Novel,” PMLA 96, no. 2 (1981): 255–70, https://doi.org/10.2307/461992. Sedgwick provides an analysis of how the attributes of both the veil and the characters who wear them, characters which she calls surfaces, are contagious, meaning that attributes of the veil are imputed to the wearer and vice versa.

[49]. Sedgwick, “Character in the Veil,” 256.

[50]. Radcliffe, The Italian, 90.

[51]. Matthew Lewis, The Monk, ed. Howard Anderson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 9.

[52]. Lewis, The Monk, 9.

[53]. Lewis, The Monk, 9

[54]. Lewis, The Monk, 123.

[55]. Lewis, The Monk, 421; emphasis added.

[56]. Lewis, The Monk, 138.

[57]. Lewis, The Monk, 155.

[58]. Lewis, The Monk, 160.

[59]. Sedgwick, “Character in the Veil,” 258.

[60]. Lewis, The Monk, 369.

[61]. Radcliffe, The Italian, 11.

[62]. Radcliffe, The Italian, 13.

[63]. Radcliffe, The Italian, 213.

[64]. Broadwell, “Veil Image,” 78.

[65]. Radcliffe, The Italian, 1. I have modernized all instances of the long s.

[66]. Wilt, Ghosts of the Gothic, 32.

[67]. Wilt, Ghosts of the Gothic, 32.

[68]. Radcliffe, The Italian, 20.

[69]. Radcliffe, The Italian, 381.

[70]. Radcliffe, The Italian, 47.

[71]. Wilt, Ghosts of the Gothic, 33.

[72]. Sedgwick, “Character in the Veil,” 258.

[73]. Castle, Female Thermometer, 124.

[74]. Lewis, The Monk, 17.

[75]. The idea of second nature that Lukács discusses was first introduced by Burke in Philosophical Enquiry, where “our natural and common state is one of absolute indifference, equally prepared for pain or pleasure” (129). According to Burke, “we are always hurt” “when we are thrown out of this state, or deprived of any thing requisite to maintain us in it [and] when this change does not happen by pleasure from some mechanical cause” (129). In other words, the uncanny sublime of the Gothic disrupts second nature in such a way as to cause discomfort often by a disruption of first nature, in which our enlightened concepts are displaced, allowing the supernatural to once again resurface.

[76]. Lukács, “From The Theory of the Novel,” 191.

The Female American and its Liminal Spaces

Article by Jonahs Kneitly
The Female American and its Liminal Spaces
DOI: 10.32655/srej.2023.3.1.3
Cite: Kneitly, Jonahs. 2023.  “The Female American and its Liminal Spaces,” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 3 (1): 28-40.
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The Female American; or, the Adventures of Unca Eliza Winkfield is a narrative of self-discovery which relies on liminality, or the power of between spaces, to highlight the journey of its alleged author and titular character, Unca Eliza Winkfield. Published anonymously in London in 1767, The Female American, like many thematically similar texts, capitalized on the popularity of Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe published in 1719.[1] These castaway tales are so numerous that they form their own genre, the Robinsonades. The Robinsonade stranger-in-a-strange-land trope lends itself to liminal journeys since the trope and this type of journey both require an individual to “leave the familiar and known to experience a time of transition characterized by uncertainty and unfamiliarity.”[2] The Female American and other female Robinsonades “provide opportunities [to] examine the tension between fulfilling conventional feminine roles and developing individual potential.”[3] Many Robinsonade women, including Winkfield, once free from their normal surroundings and patriarchy’s disciplinary gaze, step outside of traditional ideologies and embrace their own power. The Female American follows its protagonist, Winkfield, as she explores race, religion, and gender after being castaway in the wilds of North America.

The Female American and Robinson Crusoe

Though they share some commonalities, Winkfield’s story differs from Crusoe’s. Crusoe willingly departs England to escape the banality of a British middle-class existence. However, after he is shipwrecked and marooned alone on a deserted island in the Americas, he spends his time replicating British crafts, crop methods, and Indigenous subjugation. His handiworks include extra homes, extra garden plots, extra herds of goat, and extra walls and fortifications. Other than personal enjoyment, these redundant improvements offer Crusoe modest reciprocal value.[4] Thomas Fair notes that, while the Robinsonade men are concerned with mastering their physical world and justifying British imperialism, Robinsonade “women occupy and dominate social and emotional territory.”[5] Winkfield is female, bicultural, and biracial and actively engages with social issues.

Unlike Crusoe, Winkfield does not seek adventure. Denise Mary MacNeil notes that adventure is thrust upon Winkfield “unlooked for, unavoidable, and unwelcome.”[6] After she refuses a forced marriage, Winkfield is abandoned on an island off the coast of North America, where she works to convert a nearby Indigenous group to Christianity. Her efforts are not completely altruistic and exhibit a problematic imperialism.[7] The Female American advances European views of Indigenous peoples in what Emelia Abbé characterizes as the exotic over the real.[8] While in Britain, Winkfield plays the role of “curious plaything” by capitalizing on her mix of Indigenous and British heritages.[9] Winkfield highlights her foreignness by accentuating her tawny skin and black hair and by dressing outside the norm for white Britons. She believes herself superior to the Indigenous and the British because she is bicultural. She assumes she is “extra-cultural in terms of any one culture.”[10] Her biased understanding and reductive opinions of the Indigenous come from interacting with her Indigenous slaves rather than from living within any Indigenous society. Though she presents herself as sensitive, Winkfield reduces the Indigenous living in America to a single, homogenous culture. For these reasons, she believes making decisions for these peoples and their future is reasonable, just, and divinely sanctified. This belief is bolstered by her time spent within the liminal spaces of her island.

Liminality

As noted, liminality is characterized by uncertainty and unfamiliarity and occurs when an individual enters an ambiguous, transitional space in which their identity is disposed from their past existence and re-created within a new role. Spaces are defined here as any force, moment, mode, or location that lacks fixed, cultural definition. Anne Franks and John Meteyard note, “Liminality, from the Latin word for threshold [limen], is the state of being betwixt and between where the old world has been left behind, but we have not yet arrived at what is to come.”[11] Liminal spaces lie at the boundaries of places, which are areas or states with attached, fixed cultural definitions and expectations. Movement from one well-defined place to another often requires passage through an ambiguous interval; these transitional areas are called liminal spaces. Crossing these “neither-this-nor-that” spaces, an individual leaves behind fixed, conventional configurations and beliefs in order to fit within a new paradigm.[12] These dynamic, ill-defined spaces allow an individual to adapt from one set role to another. For example, as individuals move between well-defined states, such as between adolescence and adulthood, they reach a point where they are not really one or the other. This space outside of adolescence and adulthood, but connecting both, is the liminal space between the two. Adjusting from one mode into a newer one often includes spiritual evolution as an individual must let go of old habits and beliefs in order to embrace their new life.[13] Liminal change may be part of the normal social order, such as when a single individual becomes part of a married couple, but it can also be unexpected and unprecedented.

In liminal spaces, individuals face a reality where rules, norms, and expectations are dynamic. Existing within these ill-defined boundary spaces can be uncomfortable and stressful until one adjusts to their new life. Therefore, individuals try to re-create themselves as quickly as possible to move into a new paradigm.[14] However, journeys that involve significant spiritual and religious evolution are often highly personal and therefore lack social mitigation. In these journeys of self-discovery, individuals struggle with finding the path forward and with understanding the changes they are experiencing since the new rules and modes to be adopted are unclear. This type of uncertain experience within liminality can leave one without insight into the future and with no way back to their former status. Winkfield experiences this type of liminal journey. She is driven to evolve as quickly as possible without a clear idea of who she is becoming. Alone on her island, Winkfield relies on prophetic signs and logic to guide her evolution. While liminality is an important aspect of Winkfield’s personal evolution, scholars have focused on The Female American’s liminality as a work of literature.

The Female American lies in a liminal, vague space as a published work. The novel is anonymous but situates itself as Winkfield’s personal journal. The true author may be either male or female, but “scholars generally agree . . . that person was likely not an Indigenous.”[15] The novel defies easy designation as a British or American work.[16] The story plays out in the same universe as Robinson Crusoe, but it may have preceded Crusoe in time or may have followed it.[17] Edward Simon notes that The Female American “exists in a liminal ideological space [as it] generates a new space for a specifically American identity.”[18] In other words, The Female American exists outside of other literature within a space where it is creating and defining a place for itself. The Female American is a frontier novel, but while the typical American frontier heroes are gendered male, Winkfield is a female American hero.[19] Despite the scholarly emphasis on the text’s liminal placement within literature, little work has focused on liminality in relation to Winkfield’s experience on her island. For this article, the novel will be examined as Winkfield’s personal narrative incorporating places and states which intersect in an island’s liminal spaces.

An island is liminal because it exists between the mainland and the open ocean. Winkfield’s island lies somewhere between Britain and America and outside either’s control. Juha Pentikӓinen notes that individuals experiencing evolution within liminal spaces “are outside society, and society has no power over them, especially since they are actually sacred and holy, and therefore untouchable and dangerous, just as gods would be.”[20] Just like gods, these individuals, such as Winkfield, are re-creating themselves within liminal spaces. The feeling of being lost, but with the power of self-creation, adds to Winkfield’s feelings of anxiety and stress. Powerful moments of liminal existence, such as Winkfield’s, require trust.

Newly abandoned on the beach, a liminal space between land and sea, Winkfield prays that she should “fall into the hand of the Lord, for his mercies are great, and let me not fall into the hands of man.”[21] Winkfield prays to leave the dangerous world of man for a more spiritual existence, and she is quickly answered. Determined to endure, she abandons the beach and finds a hut. Caught between fear and hope, she pauses at the entrance, literally a limen. Crossing a threshold represents making a conscious decision to change and to unite oneself with a new world.[22] As Winkfield hesitates on the verge of a new life, she hears a mysterious voice calling, and she flees into the hut’s dark security.[23] Each time she faces a moment of decision or a pause in her journey, occurrences such as this drive her to act. Notably, when one path closes, another always opens. To Winkfield’s thinking, these moments are divinely directed.

These liminal moments are meaningful and portentous for Winkfield. Franks and Meteyard note that exile is a metaphor for liminality figured as the loss of one home and being obliged to accept another.[24] In essence, these individuals are between homes, and Winkfield loses many homes within the novel. When she is abandoned on the shore, Winkfield is caught without a home but locates the hut. The death of the island’s hermit, in whose hut she resides, forces her to move into an abandoned palace. The palace’s destruction during a combined storm and earthquake forces Winkfield to move into an underground chamber attached to a large pagan idol. In a subsequent earthquake, Winkfield is buried in this chamber and must struggle to reach the surface.[25] Entombments and burial articulate the passing of the old self to make room for the new, and in this moment, Winkfield is buried in darkness but rises self-resurrected into a new world. These transitional moments carry Winkfield forward without lessening the changes she is experiencing. During her time on the island, change is the only constant. Winkfield has no moments of complete security within the island’s liminal space. In her anxiety and drive to move forward toward a fixed reality, she begins to believe these experiences are directing her to convert the Indigenous to Christianity.

The Indigenous

Though she is half Indigenous, Winkfield’s ideas concerning Indigenous peoples are reductive. They indicate western European and colonial biases similar to those expressed in Benjamin Franklin’s “Remarks concerning the Savages of North America.” Franklin’s “Remarks” was written in 1784, and The Female American was published in 1767, which is a likely indication of authorship date.[26] This publication date is shortly before the American Revolution and just seventeen years before Franklin wrote his “Remarks.” Franklin’s ideas, though suspect, indicate contemporaneous beliefs about Indigenous peoples. Comparing these works permits interesting correlations between The Female American and colonial ideas at the end of the eighteenth century.

Franklin observes that indigenous women, or “Indian Women” as he terms them, “preserve & hand down to Posterity the Memory of Public Transactions.”[27] According to this statement, a female acting as a source of knowledge would seem natural to Indigenous peoples. Franklin assumes this role to be traditional, which offers context for Winkfield’s plan to voice God’s teachings since she would be relying on this purported female role to reinforce her message. Franklin notes that the “Indian Men” are hunters and warriors and later become counselors trained in rhetoric and oratory and that “the best Speaker [has] the most Influence.”[28] To achieve the Indigenous religious conversion, Winkfield combines these two alleged gender roles: historian and sage/orator. By occupying a liminal space between these gender roles, she increases her chance of success as a religious teacher by appropriating the cultural power of both genders. She imagines her teachings will make the Indigenous independent of Europeans rather than lead to their subjugation. However, Winkfield kept Indigenous slaves during her early life in America and while living in Europe. Therefore, in this tale, she is both the colonized and the colonizer. Ignoring this problematic situation, Winkfield strategizes each interaction with the Indigenous to foster their belief and acquiescence.

Winkfield adjusts her teachings so that her message appeals to what she considers to be innate Indigenous logic. She is confident that once convinced “that [her] intentions towards them are friendly, no people are more grateful; nor are there any in whom [she] can, safely, place a greater confidence.”[29] In other words, Winkfield reduces the Indigenous to a noble savage ideal who possess natural, though simple, reason. Franklin enacts a similar mode when he notes that the colonists call the natives “Savages,” though they use “no Force, there are no Prisons, no Officers to compel Obedience, or inflict Punishment.”[30] Winkfield and Franklin assume the Indigenous live an idyllic life of peace and reason. Winkfield seemingly relies on a culturally codified politeness, which Franklin notes “does not permit [the Indigenous] to contradict, or deny the Truth of what is asserted in their Presence.”[31] Franklin reports that missionaries are often frustrated because the Indigenous act is if they believe Christian teachings, while they are, in fact, merely being polite. Winkfield, however, assumes that this submissive behavior will, and does, represent belief, because God’s truth is undeniable. While Winkfield and Franklin attribute all Indigenous with a charming innocence, Winkfield is not above using threats, fear, and theatrics to accomplish her goals.[32]

Winkfield has faith in the power of reason but admits she may be partaking in sophistry. Nonetheless, she rationalizes her qualms: “I know not whether the casuists may justify this artifice from sin; but to me it appeared expedient, and was successfully adapted to their fears, for they immediately halted [their departure].”[33] Once assured of their docility and conversion, she announces: “A person shall come to you, like yourselves, and that you may be the less fearful or suspicious, that person shall be a woman, who shall live among you as you do. . . . She will bring with her the holy writings . . . and shall teach all of you, especially the priests who shall instruct you after her departure.”[34] Winkfield assumes a female would cause less suspicion and believes that holy written texts are more valuable to the Indigenous than oral wisdom. Her enactment of gender is again in line with Franklin’s postulated role of females as historical repositories. However, she also reifies the power of the Indigenous male priests, though originally, she wished to remove their power, which is just one adjustment she makes to increase the appeal of Christianity. Winkfield plays with gender as part of her strategy for successful conversion, although this tactic is often outside of Western religious ideals.

Religion

Patriarchal religious dogma plays a significant role in The Female American. When she arrives on the island, Winkfield has unwavering confidence in religious knowledge. Winkfield is well read in the Bible and the Common Prayer books. She reads Greek texts, which might be the Apocrypha, while on the island and even writes in Greek “Άφορωγτεϛ ειϛ τηγ Ιησουγ” (Imitation of Jesus) within her manuscript.[35] Her uncle, a minor religious official in England, prepared Winkfield to take on a religious life. She notes that he was “as methodical and exact as though [she] had been to be a divine; nor did he inculcate religion as a mere science; but in such a warm and affecting manner, that whilst his lectures convinced the understanding, they converted the heart, and made [her] love and know religion at the same time.”[36] Despite his training and her desire for religious work, most official religious service during the time she lived was reserved for men. Her options for religious service depended on her particular faith.

Though not explicitly stated within the text, Winkfield is likely a member of the Church of England and the Anglican faith. Though her uncle’s teachings have afforded her religious proficiency, the Church of England limits Winkfield’s options since women were not allowed ordination until the twentieth century.[37] If she were Quaker, her desire to proselytize for Christ would be less problematic because Quaker women were allowed more religious freedom. Catholic women, including converted Indigenous women, actively worked within the Americas to fuse “their cultural identity with the new expectations of the Church, redefining themselves and becoming not only active in religious matters, but on occasion even models to be followed.”[38] If Winkfield was born later in the nineteenth century, she might have been part of the “Faith missions” movement which Norman Etherington and David Maxwell note “returned to ideals of pared-down itinerant preaching, and emphasized personal holiness rather than educational attainments.”[39] However, Winkfield did not have access to these more permissive options. She was a citizen of her time and a member of the Church of England, which did offer slightly more freedom than Puritanism. Neither option was ideal for Winkfield’s proposed goal of Indigenous conversion. These limitations can be seen by comparing Mary Rowlandson’s memoirs with Winkfield’s narrative. Both women, Winkfield and Rowlandson, “are more at home in the wilderness, and more adventurous there, than men.”[40] Despite their similar spirit, Winkfield and Rowlandson exhibit different religious views.

In her chronicle, Rowlandson narrates her 1675 capture by Indigenous peoples. The introduction to Rowlandson’s account notes, “Puritans generally thought it inappropriate for writings by women to appear in print unless under the auspices of male authority; in its published form Rowlandson’s narrative was preceded by a male-authored preface and followed by the text of her husband’s final sermon.”[41] Puritan women were expected to avoid public performances and were possibly judged negatively even if religiously motivated. Unlike Rowlandson, Winkfield shows little reticence concerning public attention or for recording her story. Additionally, Winkfield and Rowlandson exhibit differences in their religious practices.

Winkfield and Rowlandson have quite different interactions with biblical texts. Winkfield’s uncle issues strict injunctions against using the Bible for anything other than comfort.[42] He states, “Beware . . . of the practice of some enthusiasts of our times, who make the word of God literally an oracle.”[43] This practice, known as bibliomancy, is often performed by Rowlandson. Bibliomancy relies on supplicants reading random biblical passages which are thought prescriptive of their life. In this manner, Mary Rowlandson uses the Bible to uncover God’s will. For example, while discouraging another captive from running away, Rowlandson writes: “I had my Bible with me, I pulled it out, and asked her whether she would read; we opened the Bible and lighted on Psalm 27, in which Psalm we especially took notice of that, ver. ult., Wait on the Lord, Be of good courage, and he shall strengthen thine Heart, wait I say on the Lord.”[44] After this reading, the other captive and Rowlandson are convinced to remain rather than risk recapture and death. Winkfield’s decisions do not rely on the Bible’s prescriptive power but on her own rational understanding. Winkfield’s truth is determined through reason.

Winkfield sees divine portents in the world and discerns truth by engaging in mental dialogues using a self-directed Socratic method. Winkfield writes, “On these occasions, it was always my custom to imagine to myself that my uncle was speaking to me. . . . I have sometimes indulged this reverie to such a degree that I have really imagined, at last, that my uncle was speaking to me.”[45] Her reliance on rational thought and internal dialogues, rather than the Bible, reveals that Winkfield does not exhibit faith in the same manner as Rowlandson. Since her reliance on the biblical texts is less strict and prescriptive, Winkfield can alter religious dogma to suit her, as long as she can rationally support her decisions. Castaway in the Americas, church dogma and its patriarchal gender norms do not keep her from answering her religious calling.

As noted, once she becomes a castaway, Winkfield discovers the hermit’s hut. This hut contains a diary which is filled with survival instructions along with a hermit’s religious reflections.[46] Winkfield, well versed in religious thought, concentrates on the diary’s survival information: dangers, weather, edibles, location of necessities, notes on Indigenous visitations, and so forth. After a brief time, the absent hermit reappears. He states he has been sick, delirious, and wandering aimlessly in the island’s wilderness spaces. Spiritual journeys often involve testing in wildernesses.[47] Both the hermit and Winkfield undergo trials such as this while on the island.

Despite living in the hermit’s hut and exploring widely, before this meeting, Winkfield saw no trace of the hermit and presumed him dead. The hermit dies the day of their meeting, thus removing him as a possible warden over Winkfield’s actions. The absence of the hermit and his patriarchal disciplinary gaze allows Winkfield to convert the Indigenous as she wishes. Winkfield leaves the hermit entombed in his hut.[48] Tombs speak “of grief and pain that is often involved with dying to old forms of identity.”[49] They also mark the liminal division of the physical world and the spiritual afterlife. Tombs and entombment figure prominently as liminal moments within The Female American.

Winkfield leaves the hermit lying in state similar to that of the ancient pagan mummies on the island. In an abandoned complex, thousand-year-old mummies identified as “priests of the sun” lie near entombed, desiccated virgins.[50] This ancient religion has a similar gender separation as the Catholic faith: male priests and dedicated, chaste females. The remnants of this dead religion with separate gender roles lie near the hermit, who represents religion with official roles taken by male believers. The close proximity of these interred religious figures highlights Winkfield’s journey past these restrictive gender options to a path that is similar to the Church of England’s via media philosophy.

The liminality of Winkfield’s journey is explicitly evoked by via media. The term via media means “middle way” and implies locating a harmonious middle path between diverse positions. The via media philosophy of the Anglican faith offered a liminal, middle ground between Puritanism and Catholicism.[51] Winkfield’s idea of Indigenous conversion mirrors Britain’s developing movement from “military conqueror to spiritual director.”[52] Anglican missionaries, according to Bowen, “were hampered by funding, Anglocentrism, and a basic disdain for ‘roughing it,’ as few Anglican missionaries were willing to live among Native American Tribes or learn their language and customs.”[53] Winkfield is free from all of these limitations, but her gender remains a hindrance. Her conversion of the Indigenous requires that she move past religious gender norms and roles. This process is not easy, and her faith is not always adamant.

Each turn on Winkfield’s path strengthens her belief that she is meant to convert the Indigenous to Christianity. As in Crusoe’s experience, Winkfield’s Indigenous peoples visit the island only once per year. Both Robinson Crusoe and The Female American’s hermit maintained their distance from non-whites out of fear. However, Winkfield sees this yearly visit as an opportunity. Winkfield is steadfast in her surety that Indigenous people are “generally of a docile disposition.”[54] In other words, they will be easily led by Winkfield. Still, Winkfield sometimes loses faith.

Letting go of previous beliefs and setting one’s life on a new path is not easy, and Winkfield sometimes despairs during her solitary existence.[55] In her misery, she becomes ill and experiences a violent, delirious fever. She notes, “I raved, I cried, I laughed by turns. I soon became so weak that I was scarce able to crawl from my bed to get some water.”[56] This illness is similar to that experienced by the hermit before his death, and their individual illnesses derive from their struggles to accept a new existence. Leaving behind old modes is a form of death, and physical illness often accompanies this type of spiritual growth. Liminal stages in life are “abnormal and anti-structural . . . [and] people at that phase are considered to be more apt to the influence of the supernatural than usually.”[57] Individuals experiencing growth within liminal spaces are more open to liminal influences in many forms. Sometimes, these individuals are “forcibly expelled from the old ascendant forms of self-definition.”[58] This violent expulsion of previous modes from the spirit sometimes causes similar expulsions from the body, which are manifested as physical illnesses. The hermit did not survive the illness manifested from his spiritual self-discovery. Winkfield is more successful.

Winkfield connects her illness directly to her faith. She writes, “I owed my late sickness to my giving way to those anxious corroding cares that had arisen in my mind concerning my future subsistence; and I could not but condemn my folly, and mourn for the sinfulness of it, and of which I hope, I heartily repented.”[59] The Female American often makes use of Christian metaphors to explain Winkfield’s journey. For example, in her tormented enfevered state, Winkfield crawls to a nearby river. While washing her fever-hot feet, she slips and becomes submerged in the water. The cool water revives her, and she pulls herself onto the shore.[60] Teodorescu and Cӑlin note that “in liminality, an individual is reborn spiritually,” and Winkfield is submerged and rises renewed from the river, suggesting a baptism and subsequent rebirth.[61]

Baptism is a form of liminal experience—being suspended within the cleansing embrace of water, floating between earth and air and between sin and forgiveness. After this experience, Winkfield falls into a deep sleep and awakens with a great thirst. A she-goat rests nearby, who, though wild, happily allows Winkfield to suckle milk directly from her. Winkfield becomes violently ill, but the milk purges the sickness from her body.[62] Tropes such as these—the rebirth through baptism and the gentled wild animal—give this passage a pastoral feel which highlights its transcendent “not-all-one-state-or-another” moments. Winkfield believes these experiences indicate God’s will. Transformed by her trials, she resolves to “receive then the instructions of a higher school, and learn of a better master. Remember him who through sufferings was made perfect, and that the disciple is not to be above the master.”[63] Convinced of God’s desire and disregarding patriarchal religious dogma, Winkfield self-identifies as a religious teacher and moves forward toward a fixed place and role for her future.

Despite her best intentions, however, Winkfield has difficulty moving past her ego. In one moment, she notes: “The consciousness of the purity of my intention, and the goodness of my design, prevailed over every other thought, and I became calm and determined.”[64] In the next moment, she “imagined hundreds of Indians prostrate before [her] with reverence and attention, whilst like a law-giver, [she] uttered precepts, and like an orator, inculcated them with a voice magnified almost to the loudness of thunder.”[65] She grapples with her moral dilemma, and the island’s powerful spirituality offers a pair of visions.

Winkfield discovers an ethereally beautiful peacock-like bird with a rainbow tail. She also encounters a dog-sized lionlike animal with legs that barely support it. To feed, this animal rests on the ground and feigns death. Mice climb on its body and become stuck to its fur. When the creature rises, it grazes on the hanging, hopeless, and helpless mice. Winkfield perceives these two creatures as messages: Will she be the beautiful and gentle bird, or will she be like the dog-sized animal, a death-shrouded despot ruling and devouring helpless victims through divine right? Winkfield chooses the path of the bird since she believes she is freeing the Indigenous from British colonialism. Once decided, Winkfield considers how to use available resources to accomplish her goal. She makes significant use of one tool available to her: gender.

Gender

Bolstered by her logical verification of God’s will, Winkfield begins to create a defined role for herself. Alone on her island, her gender is not a great issue, and she can easily adapt it to fit her needs. Through her mother, Winkfield is born into an Indigenous culture that empowers females as well as males. Her mother, also named Unca, rescued her father, William (Bill) Winkfield, in a scene that evokes the fictionalized escapades of Rebecca Rolfe née Pocahontas and John Smith. After her tribe captures William, Unca, the elder, pleads for Bill’s life, and the king, her father, grants it to her.[66] The couple fall in love, and eventually, Bill is able to convert her to Christianity. Their resulting union begins in a liminal space since the couple originally marries in an Indigenous rite, which Bill considers a civil ceremony, and they later take Christian vows in a religious ceremony.[67] This leveling of the two cultures is common throughout the novel, and Winkfield, as noted, believes herself culturally superior as a result.

While Unca, the elder, and Bill are falling in love, he is also pursued by Unca’s sister, Alluca. Alluca, who later becomes queen of their people, states: “[For women] it is our custom to be silent, or to speak what we think; we are of opinion that nature has given us the same right to declare love as it has to [the male] sex.”[68] For Alluca and Unca’s people, women are permitted to rule themselves by stating and pursuing their own preferences. Enlightenment ideals such as freedom of choice, individualism, and natural reason bolster Winkfield’s belief in her right to convert the Indigenous peoples living near her island. Though she ignores their freedom of choice, Winkfield believes she is acting in good faith because religious conversion free of imperialism was considered a matter of natural reason rather than political ideology.[69] Winkfield genuinely believes that their innate reason ensures the Indigenous peoples’ conversion to Christianity. [70] Being exiled from one’s culture, family, and community allows an individual to divorce their ego from its traditional sources.[71] Separated from society’s disciplinary gaze, Winkfield can accept her missionary role, acting without official church sanction. Free from patriarchal mores within the island’s liminal space, Winkfield consciously adjusts her self-image.

Winkfield explores her freedom to choose and to determine who she will be. After Winkfield’s birth,  Alluca gifts her with a bow and arrow set.[72] This hunting set forms part of Winkfield’s identity and symbolizes her empowerment. By taking the power associated with bows, arrows, and hunting in general, Winkfield places herself in a traditionally masculine gender space. [73] Additionally, the image of Winkfield as archer associates her with the goddess Artemis who chose a nontraditional female role. By retaining her virginity and her autonomy, Artemis avoided society’s patriarchal expectations associated with marriage and the role of mother. Winkfield enacted a similar strategy during her youth. To avoid marriage and motherhood, Winkfield played with gender norms to cultivate personal agency.

Winkfield assumes most suitors pursue her to gain control of her wealth through marriage. She gains autonomy by stating she will only marry someone who can outshoot her with a bow. Her desire to remain unwed is strong enough to resist marrying, even though her refusal directly causes the deaths of her Indigenous slaves and her abandonment on the island.[74] Despite her reluctance to marry, her British first cousin, John, insistently pursues her. She states, “As he continued in his suit, I always laughed at him, and answered in the Indian language, of which he was entirely ignorant; and so by degrees wearied him into silence.”[75] Winkfield has no interest in John or in marriage and actively uses language to maintain the autonomy that her mother’s culture would have afforded her. Her language proficiency and her predilection to blur gender lines become critical tools when she begins proselytizing in America.

To realize her plan to convert the Indigenous, Winkfield makes use of an idol on the island. The idol is hollow and can accommodate a person inside. It is prominently placed and offers a clear view of the entire island. The idol is marked “THE ORACLE OF THE SUN” in a language easily read by Winkfield.[76] The idol resides in the liminal space between male and female since it is physically male but wears a gown bound under the chest, creating a feminine appearance. As noted, Winkfield has a predilection to inhabit the margins between gender binaries when it suits her, such as when it helped her avoid marriage. She continues this practice on the island. While the statue is male with female attire, Winkfield takes on a mirrored appearance with a female body and male attire. Winkfield chooses the highest priest’s dress and crown and takes two rich, ornate bracelets for her arms and “the largest [ring] . . . sprinkled over with precious stones, and here and there a large diamond.”[77] Winkfield actively creates a liminal, gender-hybrid character. By placing herself within the male statue, she joins her female mind, will, and voice with a male visage. Winkfield’s voice issuing from the male idol creates a powerful presence that defies traditional gender classification that Winkfield can exploit to convert the Indigenous. The idol resides between clearly defined genders, and it occupies a similar space between natural and supernatural.

The idol moderates sight and sound in ways that defy the laws of nature. From within the idol, one can see the entire island while remaining completely invisible from the outside. One can also easily hear anything said on the island and anything spoken within the idol is broadcast clearly over the entire island. Observing the idol’s nature-defying phenomena, Winkfield exclaims: “What wonders are here!”[78] In answer to her thunderously amplified exclamation, a storm rises which is so violent that it annihilates light, and primitive chaos reigns over the island.[79] Fearing the end is coming, Winkfield composes her mind, stating: “Thunder . . . raises [my mind] above the things of sense, and fills my mind with noble and exalted ideas of God; whose presence I think it, as it were, bespeaks. I bow and reverence: for though sensible that both it and lightening are the effects of natural causes, yet I consider them as under the direction of God; and doubt not that they are sometimes directed to answer some particular ends of providence.”[80] Winkfield hides from the storm in the idol’s underground chamber. However, the violence of the storm causes the chamber to collapse, and she is trapped. Winkfield claws her way to the surface. When she rises from this living entombment, she finds a world torn asunder; buildings are damaged, trees are uprooted, foam and dead fish cover the shore, and rocks are broken into frightening forms.[81] Shaken by this transformed world, she states: “I must confess I trembled for the statue of the sun, though I knew not why; for what was it to me whether it stood or fell? As soon as I came near enough, I saw it was safe; and was far from being displeased that it was so.”[82] Awed by this exhibition of power, Winkfield acknowledges God’s hand in her and the idol’s survival. Winkfield sees this protection as God’s approval of her mission.

Winkfield often contextualizes moments of her island life as God using nature to guide her. This scene, to her thinking, confirms the appropriateness of her plan and her use of the idol. Though unnoted by her, this scene authenticates the power of her hybridized gender role since it is her voice within the male idol that brings down this destructive storm. To her thinking, these occurrences sanctify her apostolic calling, and she moves from her liminal existence into her new role as religious leader. Once she is assured of the Indigenous peoples’ docility and conversion, she meets them in her human form. Carrying her holy texts as well as gold rings and jewels to give as gifts to the Indigenous, though historically these ornaments already belong to them, and wearing her gender-hybrid vestments over virginal white robes, Winkfield leaves the island to live among the Indigenous.

The Conclusion

Removed from her island’s catalytic liminality, Winkfield’s life becomes rote. Though her role is self-realized, she will not perform baptisms, marriages, or administer the sacraments as she is not ordained.[83] Winkfield will not completely abandon church dogma to perform these services. Winkfield makes periodic trips to the island to replenish her gold and jewels from the island ruins. During one such trip, she discovers her cousin John and a group of sailors. Winkfield meets them in her priestly finery, and the superstitious Englishmen assume she is a she-devil, an empowered woman.[84] The sailors flee, but John recognizes Winkfield as his missing cousin, and lost for a time in wild transports, he rapturously embraces and kisses her.[85] John immediately inserts himself into her life and asserts dominance over her narrative. John is eager to “end [his] days in carrying on the great work [she has] so wonderfully begun among [the Indigenous].”[86] Despite her efforts, John believes this work has only begun and will, of course, be turned over to him.[87] John sees the truth in the situation: Winkfield is a wealthy heiress, but she is even more valuable as a tool of imperialistic patriarchy. In hegemonic male fashion, John smiles and proclaims: “Let us then be united in the glorious work you have begun, teach me the Indian language and I will join the glorious task you have commenced. . . . One motive for my seeking you was, that, if we should meet, we might be united. Consider one thing more, that if you refuse me, we cannot enjoy those hours of privacy together, I at least shall wish for, without offence to those around us; at least I know your delicacy will be hurt by them.”[88] Though her reputation was not a consideration before his arrival, within patriarchy and to John, her virtue is a treasured commodity. John is not above manipulation, and he will achieve his goal by any means. She agrees to a union and rationalizes her decision by noting John, as an ordained minister, can perform the religious services she will not. She admits her decision is due to “his constant importunity, [and she] was at last obliged to give [her] hand, about two months after his arrival.”[89] After only two months, John’s needling wears her down and ends her agency. With Winkfield’s assistance, John is able to overcome the Anglican reticence for missionary work noted earlier. By binding Winkfield to him, John, braced with patriarchal power, takes over her successful works and reclaims the roles that she has taken for herself.

In the end, after John’s arrival, her tale becomes his tale: the tale of patriarchy. Fair notes that the masculine Robinsonade “excludes or marginalizes women and the domestic within hegemonic delineations.”[90] Winkfield and John each act in traditional, gender appropriate ways. He instructs the boys, and she tutors the girls. John is lord and leader, and she gives John her wifely obedience. Her role as translator will end when, through her tutelage, John becomes proficient in the local language. When this happens, her edited religious texts, teachings, and future will be completely under John’s control. Patriarchy is established and guaranteed when John, Winkfield, and the sea captain raze all remnants of the past civilization from the island.

Within the island’s liminal spaces, Winkfield determines her path forward. However her experiments with gender do not survive patriarchy’s disciplinary gaze. Twice in The Female American, Winkfield’s journey is completely dictated by men: when she is abandoned on the island and when the island’s structures, including the idol, are destroyed. Winkfield alleges that the island’s destruction is conducted to prohibit the Indigenous people from backsliding into their pagan ways. However, this cleansing ensures that Winkfield cannot regain power or autonomy. The island now lacks its liminal spaces, and, without recourse to her oracular persona, she is confined to socially dictated gender roles. Though she was able to actively explore her personal power and to enact a self-actualized gender for a while, in the end, Winkfield returns to the path set by patriarchy and her husband, John.

ENDNOTES

[1]. Rochelle Raineri Zuck’s “Who Wrote The Female American?: The Noble Brothers, Circulating Libraries, and the Eighteenth-Century Novel,” ELH 89, no. 32 (Fall 2022): 661–88, explores the link between publication, implied authorship, and capitalizing on the success of other published works.

[2]. Anne Franks and John Meteyard, “Liminality: The Transforming Grace of In-between Places,” The Journal of Pastoral Care & Counseling 61, no. 3 (Fall 2007): 215–22; 219.

[3]. Thomas Fair, “19th-Century English Girls’ Adventure Stories: Domestic Imperialism, Agency and the Female Robinsonades,” Rock Mountain Review 68, no. 2 (Fall 2014): 142–58; 142.

[4]. Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 320.

[5]. Fair, “Adventure Stories,” 144.

[6]. Denise Mary MacNeil, Emergence of the American Frontier Hero, 1682–1826 (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2009), 83.

[7]. Emilia Abbé, “Collecting and Collected: Native American Subjectivity and Transatlantic Transactions in The Female American,” Early American Literature 54, no. 1 (2019): 37–67; 38.

[8]. Abbé, “Collecting and Collected,” 42.

[9]. Abbé, “Collecting and Collected,” 50.

[10]. MacNeil, American Frontier Hero, 97.

[11]. Franks and Meteyard, “Liminality,” 215.

[12]. Juha Pentikӓinen, “The Symbolism of Liminality,” Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 10 (January 1979): 154–66; 156.

[13]. Bianca Teodorescu and Rӑzvan Alexandru Cӑlin, “The Base Articulations of the Liminality Concept,” Review of European Studies 7, no. 12 (2015): 97–102; 98.

[14]. Teodorescu and Cӑlin, “Base Articulations,” 97.

[15]. Zuck, “Female American,” 661.

[16]. Edward Simon, “Unca Eliza Winkfield and the Fantasy of Non-Colonial Conversion in The Female American,” Women’s Studies 45 (2016): 649–59; 649.

[17]. See Betty Joseph’s “Re(playing) Crusoe/Pocahontas: Circum-Atlantic Stagings in ‘The Female American,’” Criticism 42, no. 3 (2000): 317–35, for The Female American’s proposed surrogacy of Robinson Crusoe.

[18]. Simon, “Non-Colonial Conversion,” 649.

[19]. MacNeil, American Frontier Hero, 84.

[20]. Pentikӓinen, “Symbolism of Liminality,” 157.

[21]. The Female American; or, The Adventures of Unca Eliza Winkfield, 2nd ed., ed. Michelle Burnham and James Freitas (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Editions, 2014), 65.

[22]. Pentikӓinen, “Symbolism of Liminality,” 155.

[23]. The Female American, 66.

[24]. Franks and Meteyard, “Liminality,” 219.

[25]. The Female American, 96–97.

[26]. Betty Joseph offers interesting analysis of the liminal space that The Female American creates for itself outside of known dates and published texts. See Joseph, “Re(playing) Crusoe/Pocahontas,” 317–35.

[27]. Benjamin Franklin, “Remarks concerning the Savages of North America, [before 7 January 1784],” Founders Online, National Historical Publications & Records Commission, accessed April 15, 2023, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-41-02-0280.

[28]. Franklin, “Remarks.”

[29]. The Female American, 92.

[30]. Franklin, “Remarks.”

[31]. Franklin, “Remarks.”

[32]. The Female American, 101–3.

[33]. The Female American, 103.

[34]. The Female American, 119.

[35]. The Female American, 78.

[36]. The Female American, 60.

[37]. “Factsheet: Women Priests in the Church of England,” Religion Media Centre, March 12, 2019, https://religionmediacentre.org.uk/factsheets/25-years-of-women-as-priests-in-the-church-of-england/.

[38]. Mónica Díaz, “Native American Women and Religion in The American Colonies: Textual and Visual Traces of an Imagined Community,” in “Women and Early America,” special issue, Legacy 28, no. 2 (2011): 205–31; 206.

[39]. Norman Etherington and David Maxwell, “Missions and Empire,” Journal of Religion in Africa 34, fasc. 1/2 (February–May 2004): 194–99; 195.

[40]. MacNeil, American Frontier Hero, 89.

[41]. “Mary Rowlandson: 1637–1711,” in The Broadview Anthology of British Literature, vol. 3, The Restoration and The Eighteenth Century, 2nd ed., ed. Don LePan and Laura Buzzard (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 2012), 1–32; 2, online website version, accessed April 15, 2023.

[42]. The Female American, 68.

[43]. The Female American, 68.

[44]. “Mary Rowlandson,” 11.

[45]. The Female American, 77.

[46]. Betty Joseph’s discusses how The Female American situates itself as the progenitor of the castaway genre and casts Robinson Crusoe as Winkfield’s hermit. See Joseph, “Re(playing) Crusoe/Pocahontas,” 317–35.

[47]. Franks and Meteyard, “Liminality,” 220.

[48]. The Female American, 85.

[49]. Franks and Meteyard, “Liminality,” 220.

[50]. The Female American, 81–82.

[51]. Scarlet Bowen, “‘Via Media’: Transatlantic Anglicanism in ‘The Female American,’” The Eighteenth Century 53, no. 2 (Summer 2012): 189–207; 189.

[52]. Bowen, “‘Via Media,’” 190.

[53]. Bowen, “‘Via Media,’” 191.

[54]. The Female American, 92.

[55]. The Female American, 74.

[56]. The Female American, 74.

[57]. Pentikӓinen, “Symbolism of Liminality,” 161.

[58]. Franks and Meteyard, “Liminality,” 220.

[59]. The Female American, 77.

[60]. The Female American, 74–75.

[61]. Bianca Teodorescu and Rӑzvan Alexandru Cӑlin, “The Base Articulations of the Liminality Concept,” Review of European Studies 7, no. 12 (2015): 97–102; 99.

[62]. The Female American, 75.

[63]. The Female American, 78.

[64]. The Female American, 95.

[65]. The Female American, 95.

[66]. The Female American, 52.

[67]. The Female American, 54.

[68]. The Female American, 52.

[69]. Simon, “Non-Colonial Conversion,” 649.

[70]. Edward Simon notes, however, that ideological free conversion is a myth. Separating imperialism from religious conversion is difficult or impossible despite Winkfield’s belief. See Simon, “Non-Colonial Conversion.”

[71]. Franks and Meteyard, “Liminality,” 220.

[72]. The Female American, 57.

[73]. As noted, Franklin remarked that native men were first warriors and later orators; an idea which exhibits a western European bias concerning evolving male roles (see “Remarks”).

[74]. Though Winkfield speaks about the Indigenous fondly and describes them as companions, she also designates them as slaves. They are killed to make her submit to marriage. However, their deaths do not force her acquiescence. See The Female American, 63.

[75]. The Female American, 60.

[76]. See Mary Helen McMurran’s “Realism and the Unreal in ‘The Female American,’” in “The Drift of Fiction: Reconsidering the Eighteenth Century Novel,” special issue, The Eighteenth Century 52, no. 3/4 (Fall/Winter 2011): 323–42, which highlights problematic conceptions of Indigenous peoples, their beliefs, and their cultures in The Female American.

[77]. The Female American, 88.

[78]. The Female American, 88.

[79]. The Female American, 90.

[80]. The Female American, 88–89.

[81]. The Female American, 89.

[82]. The Female American, 90.

[83]. The Female American, 127.

[84]. The Female American, 134.

[85]. The Female American, 135.

[86]. The Female American, 143.

[87]. The Female American, 146.

[88]. The Female American, 146.

[89]. The Female American, 148.

[90]. Fair, “Adventure Stories,” 143.

‘Don Quick-sottish, or so’: Cervantic Ingredients in Aphra Behn’s The Emperor of the Moon

Article by Anaclara Castro-Santana
‘Don Quick-sottish, or so’: Cervantic Ingredients in Aphra Behn’s The Emperor of the Moon
DOI: 10.32655/srej.2023.3.1.4
Cite: Castro-Santana, Anaclara. 2023.  “’Don Quick-sottish, or so’: Cervantic Ingredients in Aphra Behn’s The Emperor of the Moon,” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 3 (1): 1-5.
PDF


In a brief critical assessment of Aphra Behn’s The Emperor of the Moon (1688), Jane Spencer pronounces it “a play that, in the best Quixotic tradition, enchants even as it mocks the victims of enchantment.”[1] Behn’s farce does precisely that, and much more, with the aid of Cervantes’s hypotext. However, scholars have yet to study at length exactly how quixotism is invoked in The Emperor of the Moon and the ways in which it bears upon the satirical targets as well as the general humor and the larger implications of the piece.[2] In this short article, I explore some of the preeminent quixotic features deployed in Behn’s remarkably successful farce, one that, after a long period of neglect, has recently reemerged amidst fanfare in academic and public radars. I argue that the Cervantic elements operating in this play go beyond the superficial uses of the quixotic motif to which many late seventeenth-century British writers resorted. Rather than serving as a mere expedient, the quixotic traits and the Cervantean mode that Behn employed in the play cut across the farce in various levels, furthering its continental connections, adding to the ostensible lesson, and, perhaps, introducing a degree of ambivalence to the criticism of the amateur scientist by endearing spectators to his madness while simultaneously deriding it.[3] As I will show in due course, quixotic allusion begins in act one and ends in the final scene, thus providing a sense that The Emperor of the Moon is a Cervantine work through and through and should therefore occupy its rightful place in that canon.

The Emperor of the Moon is a farce in three acts, set in Naples, which was then part of the Spanish Empire. It deals with the domestic embroilments generated by Baliardo, a prudish scientific aficionado who, driven mad by his readings of astronomical books (fictional and factual), is convinced that the Moon is inhabited by pseudo human beings of a superior kind. Under Baliardo’s custody live his daughter, Elaria, and his niece, Bellemante, whom he keeps behind closed doors to prevent them from establishing romantic links with sublunary men. His ultimate ambition is to marry them off beyond the earthly sphere. These women, however, are already courted by two noble earthlings: Don Cintho and Charmante, nephews to the Spanish viceroy. In league with the servants Scaramouch and Harlequin, the two young couples devise a plan to cure Baliardo from his lunacy and to obtain his consent to marry. The scheme involves making use of the naturalist’s delusion and amplifying it. Accordingly, they confirm his suspicions that there is an empire on the Moon and add to this fantasy that the emperor and his second-in-command—who are none other than Cinthio and Charmante in disguise—are in love with Elaria and Bellemante and will descend to Earth to marry them. The mirthful deception is to have its climax in “a Farce, which shall be called—the World in the Moon.[4] Meanwhile, the youngsters and servants are caught in hilarious entanglements and misunderstandings of their own, which orbit around the general theme of misperception.

The most conspicuous quixotic element evidenced in this plot outline is having a protagonist who is naively fixated on notions that are at odds with what society accepts as real and valid. As in Cervantes’s novel, Baliardo’s “infection,” as Scaramouch so terms it, has its origin in his excessive “reading [of] foolish Books, Lucian’s Dialogue of the Lofty Traveller, who flew up to the Moon, and thence to Heaven in an heroick Business, call’d The Man; in the Moon, if you’ll believe a Spaniard, who was carried thither, upon an Engine drawn by wild Geese; with another Philosophical Piece, A Discourse of the World in the Moon; with a thousand other ridiculous Volumes, too hard to name.”[5] As the pallet of Baliardo’s readings reveals, don Quijote’s passion for knight errantry has been updated and substituted for a favorite late seventeenth-century passion: natural philosophy.[6] Here, what we have is a mixture of fictional and philosophical speculations about outer space travel.

In a similarly quixotic vein, Baliardo is not characterized as generally insane; he is plagued by a single obsession, the mention of which detonates a hyperbolic reaction and a series of extravagant behaviors and absurd reasoning. As with Cervantes’s protagonist, who according to his friend the priest, “leaving apart the simplicities which . . . [he] speaks concerning his frensie . . . he talks rationally [about other matters] and shows a clear, calm understanding in everything,” Behn’s character seems perfectly ordinary unless his discourse touches upon the mysteries of the cosmos.[7] This resort to monomania as a comic characterization device prefigures the hobbyhorses of Laurence Sterne’s Tristram Shandy (1759–67), where this quixotic motif found its fullest and most memorable expression. As will be discussed later, Behn’s farce also foreshadows Sterne’s rare amalgamation of Cervantean and Shakespearean allusion.

Besides the general characterization of Baliardo as quixotic, the entire initial scene of The Emperor of the Moon comprises Elaria and the servant Scaramouche dissecting the naturalist’s personality for the benefit of the audience. This scene mirrors and, in keeping with the dramatic mode, abbreviates the various disquisitions between don Quijote’s niece, the duenna, the priest, and the barber that take place in the early volumes of Don Quixote (1605). It is in that opening passage of Behn’s farce that Cervantes’s character is explicitly referenced: Scaramouch observes that Baliardo is “a little Whimsical, Romantick, or Don Quick-sottish, or so,”[8] a description that Elaria amends to “or rather Mad.”[9] By introducing a pun that plays on a comic misspelling (and, on the stage, a mispronunciation) of the name of Cervantes’s famous protagonist, it is at once suggested that Baliardo’s delusion is perhaps little different from that of a regular drunkard (or “sot”) while also revealing Scaramouch’s lack of sophistication. At the same time, the farce is intellectually enriched by capitalizing from a reference to the most enduringly popular foreign text.[10]

From this scene onward, Behn employs other quixotic motifs to move the plot ahead. Sporting attitudes that synthesize those of the well-meaning friends of don Quijote in the first part of the novel (that of 1605) and of the malicious pranksters of the second (that of 1615), Baliardo’s family and members of his extended network manipulate him by appropriating the codes of his madness. Not only do they follow the rules of his game adeptly, but they do so with relish, thus partaking of his delusion and luring the audience into that same fantasy for the duration of the play. Charmante, for instance, poses as a Rosicrucian cabalist who mingles ancient astrological lore with modern technology (a telescope turned into a magic lantern), a gesture that replicates the various impersonations of fictitious knights undertaken by Sansón Carrasco in Cervantes’s novel. Scaramouch performs as an apothecary who has travelled far and wide and has some cosmic maps hidden among his wares. Baliardo’s physician and a Neapolitan nobleman masquerade as Kepler and Galileo, real but deceased scientists (and therefore part of history), something that recalls don Quijote’s intermixture of historical persons, such as Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar, Ronald of Roncevaux, and Mahomet in his fictional world picture. As in Don Quixote, the ease and pleasure with which the madman’s entourage deal in the essentials of his chimeras reveal the extent to which such obsessions (knight errantry in Cervantes and astronomical speculation in Behn) infused everyone’s mindset. In advancing such a suggestion, The Emperor of the Moon emerges not only as a quixotic work but also as a Cervantean one. Through metaliterary reflection, in which the object of mockery is reproduced with a twist, the play invites critical self-examination on the side of readers and spectators.

Relatedly, by explicitly categorizing the monomania of the would-be scientist as quixotic, Behn capitalizes on the audience’s familiarity with the fundamentals of Cervantes’s book to furnish a kind of logic to her farce. In connecting Baliardo with don Quijote, audiences are prompted to recognize him as a literary type, which speeds up the willing suspension of disbelief demanded by a theatrical performance. Once spectators see Baliardo as a Quijote of science, they immediately buy into his overblown lunar obsession, his having developed madness through simple reading, and perhaps more importantly, his willingness to be deluded in the face of ill-contrived ploys, such as the living tapestry counterfeited at the last minute in act two. Baliardo’s self-delusion and the ease with which he is imposed upon, moreover, invite audiences to reflect on their own gullibility and their own readiness to be enthralled by (and pay good money to attend) a theatrical spectacle that is falsity itself.

In a characteristic display of Behn’s structuring genius, the final act of The Emperor of the Moon neatly closes the Cervantic dramatic arch featuring thematic and technical allusions to Don Quixote with various degrees of transparency. The valedictory scene consists in the enactment of the farce announced by Scaramouche in act one—a mise en abyme (like the fictions-within-fiction characteristic of Don Quixote)—with which the family intends to effect Baliardo’s cure. In the farce within the farce, the pretended inhabitants of the Moon descend on a flying chariot crafted with ropes and pulleys, an action that visually evokes the Clavileño episode in the second part of Don Quixote, which involves the contrivance of a flying horse mounted by a blindfolded Quijote and Sancho. This visual connection is reinforced in the play’s closing speech, in which Baliardo, newly shocked awake from his madness, implores to his family: “Burn all my Books, and let my Study Blaze. . . . Come all and see my happy Recantation of all the Follies Fables have inspire’d till now.”[11] Baliardo’s repudiation of his favorite reading materials mirrors don Quijote’s declaration, just before his death: “Now are all the prophane histories of Errant Chivalry hateful unto me; I now acknowledge my folly, and perceive the danger whereinto the reading of them hath brought me. But now, by the meere mercy of my God, become wise, at my own proper cost and charges, I utterly abhorre them.”[12] Furthermore, Baliardo’s plea for a bookish conflagration, hearkens back to one of the most memorable episodes of Don Quixote, the burning of the hidalgo’s library at the hands of the priest and the barber.[13] Among the implications of these quixotic echoes are the introduction of a degree of ambiguity to the negative characterization of Baliardo rehearsed throughout the play. After having been mocked for his absurd pretension to erudition (intrinsically linked with his obstinacy to control the bodies of his female wards), Baliardo vows to burn his books with uncharacteristic humility. He subsequently assures (via a quotation from Socrates) that “he knew only this—that he knew nothing yet,” which invites some departing sympathy for him as a helplessly deluded romantic, who, perhaps, meant well.[14] In this scene, The Emperor of the Moon can be read not only as a quixotic story but also as a Cervantean piece.[15]

At the same time, given the thematic atmosphere of The Emperor of the Moon in general (magic, science, courtship, colonial imperialism), Baliardo’s concluding remarks also establish an intertextual connection with Shakespeare’s The Tempest (1611). His final words are reminiscent not only of Prospero’s vow to renounce his magic with the assertion “I’ll drown my book”[16] but also of Caliban’s reiterated advice to his coconspirators earlier in the play to “seize [Prospero’s] books. . . . possess his books; . . . Burn but his books.”[17] As I mentioned earlier, the nimble synthesis of Cervantic and Shakespearean allusion was to become a signature strategy of Sterne in Tristram Shandy, with parson Yorick embodying at once a kind of Quijote and a metaliterary offshoot of Hamlet’s dead jester. But Behn, as I hope this teasing of an argument has shown, arrived there first.[18]

Crucial differences with Don Quixote, including the absence of a Sancho figure, Baliardo’s self-interest as opposed to don Quijote’s general altruism, and an ending that tends to the bathetic rather than the pathetic, are significant in what they contribute to the (mostly negative) characterization of Baliardo as a representative of the scientific aficionado. A coherent account of these, however, is the ambition of a different (and longer) piece. The purpose of this article has been to delineate and call attention to the relevance of the Cervantic hypotext in Behn’s farce. As I have endeavored to demonstrate, the abundance and significance of the quixotic content form that populates The Emperor of the Moon, and the Cervantean elements that shape it, overrule any sense of mere practicality behind Behn’s use of the Spanish hypotext. Rather than an extensive exploration—which I will rehearse elsewhere in due course—this “quick-xotic” (but not quick-sottish) article is offered as a first sally on the subject, intended to pique the curiosity and tickle the brains of the hordes of don Quijote enthusiasts and eighteenth-century scholars of the modern (and largely virtual) Republic of Letters.

ENDNOTES

[1]. Jane Spencer, “Introduction” to Aphra Behn, The Rover and Other Plays, ed. Jane Spencer (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), xix.

[2]. Although the afterlife of Cervantes’s master novel in Britain has been the focus of ample scholarship, the work of Aphra Behn has not been featured in most of these discussions. Partial exceptions are fleeting mentions, such as the one by Spencer, quoted earlier, and J. A. G. Ardila’s observation that Behn “included a secondary plot based on Cervantes’s story [of El curioso impertinente] in her Amorous Prince; or, The Curious Husband (1684).” J. A. G. Ardila, “The Influence and Reception of Cervantes in Britain, 1607–2005,” in The Cervantean Heritage: Reception and Influence of Cervantes in Britain, ed. J. A. G. Ardila (New York: Legenda, 2009), 6. Behn’s farce is not mentioned in Ardila’s extensive survey of Cervantic fiction and theatre in English.

[3]. In differentiating “quixotic” from “Cervantean,” I rely upon Ardila’s distinction, whereby the first refers to content (“a narrative which relates the adventures of a Quixote—and a Quixote is an individual who, through excessive reading of a certain literary genre, has become a psychotic monomaniac and hence espouses the obsolete values which that genre proclaims”), and the second is concerned with presentation (“when its form has been influenced, in one way or another, by Cervantes’s novelistic techniques as employed in Don Quixote). Ardila, “Influence and Reception,” 10, 13. Ardila also uses the term Cervantic, a broader label that comprises either, or both, quixotic and Cervantean elements.

[4]. Aphra Behn, The Emperor of the Moon, in The Works of Aphra Behn, vol. 7, The Plays, 1682–1696, ed. Janet Todd (New York: Routledge, 2016), act 1, scene 1, lines 103–4.

[5]. Behn, The Emperor of the Moon, I.i.92–97.

[6]. In this article, I opt for using the original name of the character rather than the English variant, as to do otherwise sounds utterly alien to my native Spanish ears. To avoid any potential confusion, however, I resort to the standard translation when referring to the book’s title.

[7]. Miguel de Cervantes, The History of the Valorous and Wittie Knight-Errant, Don-Quixote of the Mancha. Translated out of the Spanish, trans. Thomas Shelton (London: Printed by William Stansby for Ed. Blount, 1612), 324–25.

[8]. Behn, The Emperor of the Moon, 1.1.81–82.

[9]. Behn, The Emperor of the Moon, 1.1.83.

[10]. In doing so, Behn enhances the cosmopolitanism of a farce that was a reworking of a French pantomime, originally performed by Italian players: Arlequin, empereur dans la lune (1684), by Anne Mauduit, “Nolant” de Fatouville.

[11]. Behn, The Emperor of the Moon, Scene the Last, lines 661–67.

[12]. Miguel de Cervantes, The Second Part of the History of the Valorous and Witty Knight-Errant, Don Quixote of the Mancha. Written in Spanish by Michael Cervantes: and Now Translated into English, trans. Thomas Shelton (London: printed for Edward Blount, 1640), 497.

[13]. De Cervantes, Don Quixote, part 1, chapter 4.

[14]. Behn, The Emperor of the Moon, Scene the Last, line 672.

[15]. For the terminological distinction, see footnote 4 in this paper.

[16]. Shakespeare, The Tempest, 5.1.64.

[17]. Shakespeare, The Tempest, 3.2.98–104.

[18]. The intertextual crossroads between Cervantes and Shakespeare in this play belong to a fascinating (and extensive) topic impossible to tackle in this short essay, but I will shortly return to a fuller exploration in a future article.

An Impossible Dream and Nightly Quests: The Quixotic Impulse in Kim Man-jung’s Kuunmong and Nguyễn Du’s Truyện Kiều

Article by Susan Spencer
An Impossible Dream and Nightly Quests: The Quixotic Impulse in Kim Man-jung’s Kuunmong and Nguyễn Du’s Truyện Kiều
DOI: 10.32655/srej.2023.3.1.5
Cite: Spencer, Susan. 2023.  “An Impossible Dream and Nightly Quests: The Quixotic Impulse in Kim Man-jung’s Kuunmong and Nguyễn Du’s Truyện Kiều ,” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 3 (1): 41-52.
PDF


Quixotic impulses are by no means restricted to the western hemisphere. Two Asian masterworks, one from the beginning and the other near the end of the long eighteenth century, can serve as exemplary specimens of that truth as they focus on the difficult road to finding and fulfilling one’s spiritual quest in the midst of uncongenial times. Featuring perilous journeys, harrowing escapes, conquests both martial and amorous, and the most gratifying happy endings imaginable, either of these books would have inspired Don Quixote himself with envy and admiration.

Since both have recently been retranslated and released by Penguin Classics as affordable paperbacks, this second decade of the twenty-first century provides us with a good opportunity to examine a pair of canonical classics side by side through fresh eyes as they invite us to expand the geographic boundaries of how we define eighteenth-century enlightenment. The updated editions will be especially important to readers who are interested in what these compelling narratives can reveal about contemporaneous spiritual belief and practice in the authors’ respective countries. Although they are not religious texts in the generic sense, we can discover a great deal about eighteenth-century Buddhism and its uneasy relationship with its philosophical counterpart, Confucianism, through the protagonists’ actions.

Like most of their contemporaries, the Korean politician and literary scholar Kim Man-jung (1637–1692) and the Vietnamese poet Nguyễn Du (1766–1820) were heavily influenced by Chinese culture. In fact, the narrators of both Kuunmong and Truyện Kiều declare at the outset that their stories are set in China, either as a nod toward literary tradition or as a means of avoiding direct—and potentially dangerous—criticism of political realities in Korea and Vietnam. Intellectuals in both countries employed a common writing system based on Chinese characters as well as a shared canon of classical genres and texts, aesthetic ideals, and a similar civil service examination inherited from imperial China, which determined one’s education and career prospects. These all-important exams were grounded in ethical ideals that had been espoused by Confucius and his followers centuries before: an emphasis on moral character, impartial justice, loyalty, family responsibility, and social harmony built through acceptance of community standards and precedents that were expected to serve as invisible guard rails on individual behavior. Confucian philosophy does not concern itself with the spiritual side of religion, preferring instead to focus on the communal rituals that bring people together.[1] At the same time, the equally ancient practice of Buddhism was observed as the state religion: a deeply spiritual tradition that lays out a path to an individual’s release from ignorance and suffering through meditation and the cultivation of compassion toward all living beings. Progress toward this objective is helped or hindered by one’s karma, the merits and demerits accumulated over the course of successive lifetimes as one follows the path or falls behind. The ultimate goal is liberation from earthly desires, and eventually liberation from the cycle of birth and death when the enlightened practitioner no longer needs to experience karmically driven reincarnation in order to advance the learning process. Its emphasis on freeing oneself from earthly attachments inevitably complicates Buddhist philosophy’s coexistence alongside a Confucian society, which by its nature must be built on such attachments. This tension fires the heart of Kim Man-jung’s and Nguyễn Du’s narratives.

A Note about the New Translations

The Penguin translations are by Heinz Insu Fenkl and Timothy Allen under the titles The Nine Cloud Dream and The Song of Kiều, respectively. Kuunmong was rendered into English by the Canadian missionary James S. Gale in 1922 (a translation that was reprinted with new introductory material and notes by Japan’s Kurodahan Press in 2003) and by Richard Rutt, an Anglican Bishop, in 1974. Although both men were excellent scholars with many years’ experience living in Korea, one might suspect their professions could affect their interpretation. An extensive analysis of textual challenges related to Kim’s book and these two versions can be found in Jinsil Choi’s “Reproduction and reception of the concepts of Confucianism, Buddhism, and polygamy: Kuunmong in translation.”[2] Shortly after the Penguin edition was released, a helpful comparison of Gale’s translation with Fenkl’s was undertaken by Katherine Beaman, who observes in her review that throughout the text “Gale’s translation tends to suggest that one’s destiny is controlled by external forces, choosing wording that blames material temptations for characters’ sins. Meanwhile, for Fenkl it is the mind that is the source of sin,” a much more Buddhist point of view. As an example, she cites a passage in which the protagonist reflects upon his distraction by sexual temptation: “In Gale’s translation, Hsing-Chen describes his sin of lusting for the eight fairy maidens as ‘damage of my soul,’ implying permanency and condemnation. Fenkl’s Hsing-Chen describes this as ‘harm to my progress,’ suggesting instead a mere temporary deviation from the path toward enlightenment.”[3] And, one might add, a more self-directed path, in line with the Buddha’s teaching that we are each responsible for creating our own reality.

Although there are several different versions of Truyện Kiều in English, the standard translation has long been Huỳnh Sanh Thông’s Tale of Kiều, first published in 1973 by Random House and extensively revised for Yale University Press in 1983. A refugee himself, the translator included an introductory essay by Alexander Woodside, a prominent specialist in Vietnamese history who concentrated on themes of conflict and trauma and analyzed the text through the lens of the recent war. Huỳnh Sanh Thông’s hundreds of explanatory endnotes are much more detailed than Timothy Allen’s, which number only thirty-seven, and the translation is more literal. The Penguin edition is more interpretive, preserving the meaning and many of the poem’s metaphors but cutting back on some of Nguyễn Du’s subtle allusions to classical and vernacular precursors. The result is a faster pace, easier for a nonspecialist to comprehend and read through without pause. When questioned by an interviewer about this choice of style, Allen remarked: “Translators do not keep the original chained up in the basement. An interested reader can always go back to the source. For me, the only way for a translator to betray the original text is by making it seem boring.”[4] This edition does not include line numbers, even though the structure of the translation almost always follows the original line by line.[5] Allen’s introductory essay, which features forty-five endnotes and a three-page bibliography, situates the text historically in both Nguyễn Du’s own time and the ostensible setting of the poem in sixteenth-century China.

Historical Context

Kuunmong is generally considered to have been composed around 1689, and Truyện Kiều sometime around 1814. The exact dates are uncertain, as were the times: the historian Kyungku Lee remarks how “[t]he frequent ‘Game of Thrones’ scenarios in this period reveal the precariousness of the dynastic system” in Joseon-era Korea,[6] a statement that can be counted as equally true of Nguyễn Du’s Vietnam a hundred years later. In 1689, Kim lost his position as a trusted advisor to King Sukjong and was exiled from the court for criticizing the monarch’s controversial dismissal of childless Queen Inhyeon in favor of a glamorous but ruthless concubine, Lady Jang, who had successfully presented him with a son and heir.[7] Nguyễn Du composed the epic story of Kiều in the aftermath of a series of bloody insurrections and power struggles that subjected Vietnam to three different dynastic administrations in the years between 1770 and 1802. As the son of a prime minister who had fallen from grace with the first dynasty’s defeat, he experienced fifteen years as a refugee, the same amount of time his heroine Kiều is condemned to endure in a hell on earth that has been brought upon her through the working out of negative karma accumulated across multiple lifetimes.

Because of their precarious positions and the vicious factional politics that continually threatened to undermine them, both the Korean and the Vietnamese administrations adopted a conservative form of Confucian doctrine as a state ideology designed to strengthen their potentially unruly subjects’ sense of loyalty to community and the regime through an emphasis on hierarchy, loyalty, and obedience. As a result, Buddhism’s emphasis on individual agency and independence of thought was looked upon with a measure of suspicion. The useful elements of Buddhism, such as the tenet that one’s place in society was predetermined by karmic carryover from earlier lives, assured its retention as the official state religion despite being downplayed in courtly circles, but direct engagement with the operation of the Buddhist temples was left mostly to society women in Korea, and in Vietnam to professional priests and nuns who carried out day-to-day rituals and prayers behind the scenes without direct contact from the secular world except during festivals and special occasions.[8] In either case, religious sites received financial support without much hands-on involvement from the government, and the Buddhist message in officially sanctioned literature was often perfunctory.

Francisca Cho has suggested that the shaky political tenor of the times led to a sense of split identity for educated men and their literary compositions. Whereas poetry in the Chinese mode and formulaic essays would serve for placement on the civil service exams that were vital for success in the public sphere, as well as maintaining one’s public persona once that success had been achieved, creative fictional works in both poetry and prose were officially frowned upon as potential “instruments of social corruption” that could only be circulated safely in private among family and acquaintances who could be trusted to understand the author’s purpose—a practice that became a self-fulfilling prophecy, as fictional narratives developed into notorious (if veiled) “vehicles of political complaint.”[9]

Like most of his fellow literati who moved in Korea’s courtly circles, Kim Man-jung wrote anonymously. Even the certainty of his authorship of Kuunmong was unknown until Kim Tae-jun traced the book’s history in his 1933 Choson soseolsa (History of Korean Fiction).[10] We are unable to ascertain whether the text was originally written in Korean or in classical Chinese; after years of extolling Kuunmong as the first major work in the native hangul alphabet, scholars were somewhat chagrined to discover an early eighteenth-century manuscript that suggested it might have been composed in Chinese and translated into Korean at a later date.[11] Truyện Kiều (literally, the story of Kiều, which is both the heroine’s name and the Vietnamese word for a wanderer or exile[12]), considered dangerously subversive and near-pornographic in the early years after the successive revolutions, was circulated orally long before it was printed for publication, possibly before it was written down at all. By composing in the traditional lục bát or “six-eight” form of folk poetry, Nguyễn Du employed a familiar meter that was easily memorized and transmitted, and at the same time assured that he could fly under the radar of official scrutiny. Montira Rato points out that the powerful literati of Vietnam’s ruling class “were mainly concerned with political stability and moral standards” in officially sanctioned literature but did not consider vernacular poetry as a genre to be classified as literature, especially the oral form practiced by the illiterate majority of the population.[13]

Despite their inauspicious origins, both texts are now cherished as national treasures that reflect timeless values of their people even as they explore solutions that were very specific to the authors’ concerns of the moment.

Kuunmong

Stripped to the barest bones of its narrative, Kuunmong (The Nine Cloud Dream or A Dream of Nine Clouds) is a romantic fantasy that employs the traditional model of a frame tale, enriched with satire, literary allusions, and veiled references to late seventeenth-century Korea’s troubled politics. On the surface—the narrative frame—it is the story of a promising young monk named Hsing-chen (“Original Nature”), who encounters eight fairies sitting on a stone bridge[14] who tempt but do not succeed in seducing him. Nevertheless he cannot resist returning to the encounter in his mind despite his best efforts, wishing against his will for a more sensuous life, and his attempt at hiding knowledge of the incident from his monastery’s master is unsuccessful. As a result he is immediately cursed to rebirth on earth as Shao-yu (“Small Visitor” or “Brief Resider”), the most talented and desirable of men, a circumstance rife with temptations calculated to attach him to worldly considerations.[15] The fairies, too, are cursed for bringing on his spiritual crisis with their flirtatious behavior, and since they have become karmically linked with Hsing-chen, they are reborn in human form to become Shao-yu’s various concubines and wives throughout his inevitably successful career. The incarnated ladies all live together in harmony, but they remain incurable pranksters; the storyline is often driven by their propensity for practical jokes and disguise, including an episode where, with the collusion of several of the others, one of the women fakes her own death and marries Shao-yu under a new identity. Another manages to convince him that she is a ghost and that his physical and spiritual health could be threatened by their association. There are scenes involving cross-dressing and elaborate deception: in the midst of Shao-yu’s military campaigns against the Tibetans, a former fairy assumes male attire and joins his retinue as a squire, and another—whose life on earth has been spent acquiring the mystical skills of a trained assassin—materializes in his tent in the middle of the night and informs him that she has come with the intention of cutting off his head (but, upon recognizing their karmic bond, she switches sides, becomes his lover, and assumes the role of strategic advisor instead). At one point, Shao-yu himself assumes a disguise as a Taoist priestess in order to get a peek at, and covertly woo, a sequestered aristocratic beauty who is reputed to be a supremely gifted connoisseur of music. She is, of course, a fairy in human form.[16] Yet, as this adventurous protagonist acknowledges when he finds himself approaching old age, “knowing how to be satisfied with worldly wealth and glory, should we not also know when to be dissatisfied?”[17] After a long life filled with excitement, every kind of sensual pleasure imaginable, and the satisfaction of raising two generations of thriving offspring from all eight of his consorts,[18] Shao-yu comes to the eventual realization that worldly goods and pleasures only lead to discontent and a desire for more. Once he fully comprehends that truth, his consciousness jumps back into the story’s original frame; he is transported back into Hsing-chen’s youthful body in its austere monk’s cell, and he discovers that less than a day has passed. The entire cursed lifetime was an illusion. Soon after, the eight fairies arrive at the monastery gate in their true guise, complaining that “we have no learning, and we have lusted after the world of mortals, unable to control our sinful desires.” Renouncing their position as ladies-in-waiting to the Taoist immortal Lady Wei and announcing their desire to take vows and become nuns, they are “awakened, in a flash, to the unborn and undying truth of the dharma.”[19] Eventually, all nine become bodhisattvas, compassionate beings who delay their rightful entry into nirvana in order to assist others in achieving enlightenment.

“There are three ways in the world,” Shao-yu remarks to his consorts shortly before his transformation back into Hsing-chen. “The way of Confucius, the way of the Buddha, and the way of the Taoists. Buddhism is the highest. Confucianism exalts achievements and concerns itself with the passing down of names to posterity. Taoism is mystical, but it is unreliable, and though it has benefited many, its truths cannot be wholly known. . . . I must cast off the cares of this earthly life and attain the way that has neither birth nor death.”[20]

The picaresque plotline with its many unexpected twists makes for a rollicking read, and Shao-yu’s sudden revelation may come as a surprise. Up until that point, he seemed to be enjoying himself hugely. In an influential critique of “The Structure of the Kuun mong [A dream of nine clouds],” Chang Sik Yun argues that the protagonist’s two lives are never sufficiently integrated and that this is a fault in the narrative; at one point he contrasts it to its detriment with the narrative structure of Don Quixote, which incorporates events and people in the real world into Quixote’s fantasies. Kim Man-jung, he suggests, was unable to extricate himself from the values of his past association with the highly secular literatus system that had brought about both his success and his downfall. The frame tale structure was a well-worn convention that he fell into too easily to add a didactic veneer to a story that was, at its heart, a romantic flight of fancy: “As the anti-romantic element that finally overpowers the obsolete knight [Don Quixote] is the realism of the new genre, that is, the novel, so the unmitigated vision of life’s negativity inherent in Buddhism could have shaped the Kuun mong so as to reveal the true nature of being, the ambiguities and contingencies of life that compel man to perceive patterns of disillusionment and mutability.”[21]

Those who wish to uncover a deeper structure, however, can explore hints throughout the text that Kuunmong is more than a simple romance. The title itself preserves the text’s dual nature: “the cloud as a symbol of the insignificance of human life is to be found in the Analects of Confucius,” points out Richard Rutt, “and in Buddhist usage the word ‘cloud’ can mean a devotee, especially a wandering monk.”[22] Although it’s generally accepted that the “nine clouds” in the title refers to the eight fairies plus one—Hsing-chen or Shao-yu himself—the number eight is almost certainly no accident. As Heinz Insu Fenkl remarks in his introduction to the new edition, it is possible to argue that “Hsing-chen’s eight fairies are not a sign of sensual excess, but a necessary number for symbolic completion paralleling the Buddhist resolution at the end. The Taoist I Ching has eight trigrams, Buddhism has its eightfold path to enlightenment, and even Confucians call one’s fate ‘the eight characters.’”[23] All three modes of thought are represented, as one can see by following Fenkl’s explanatory endnotes. Only one of the three was wholly acceptable as a philosophy for a secular man in Kim Man-jung’s time: the ruling Joseon dynasty had embraced an oppressive form of Confucian ideology in order to retain state control, and Buddhism had been suppressed in the patriarchal system to such an extent that its infrastructure was mostly taken over by women—a situation, Fenkl suggests, that might have driven Kuunmong’s strong representation of female characters.[24] Taoism, with its supernatural elements and rejection of external means of maintaining order, was so inimical to the Joseon political objectives it had practically been driven underground. Yet there are Taoist notes as well in Kim’s story. When Hsing-chen first encounters the fairies he has been sent by his master on a mission to the underwater palace of their father, the Dragon King of Tung-t’ing Lake, an important figure in the Taoist pantheon. Shao-yu, too, visits the Dragon realm beneath the waves in a dream sequence—a nested frame tale within the frame tale—and through his perilous rescue and sexual union with the Dragon King’s youngest daughter, he obtains merit that assists him in an upcoming battle in the world above.[25]

Yang Hi Choe-Wall once observed that adherence to Confucian doctrine tends to be strengthened by success in one’s personal life. “The disappointment that accompanied failure,” she remarks, “fostered inner rebellion against Confucian orthodoxy, or prompted [Joseon-era] writers to look to other religions such as Buddhism or Taoism.”[26] Our understanding of Kuunmong’s message is enhanced by realizing that Kim’s status as an out-of-favor former courtier made its writing a potentially hazardous act, since “to write a novel in which an elaborate Confucian pipe dream gives way to dissatisfaction that is remedied by Buddhism would also have been an overt act of resistance and criticism, especially for a writer in exile for rebuking the king.”[27]

Truyện Kiều

The same might be said of daring to compose a poem that overturned Confucian expectations of appropriate subject matter and traditional definitions of virtue, such as the frankly critical Truyện Kiều. Ostensibly set in a distant past and place—Ming China’s turbulent Jiajing era, which the narrator ironically describes in the poem’s opening as an idealized period of peace and stability—the plot quickly descends into an account of violence and corruption. The brutal treatment that forces Kiều’s severance from her family markedly resembles similar abuses of power that set off a series of violent rebellions that began in the 1770s and toppled two dynasties within the space of twenty-five years, but the historical setting is sufficiently dissociated to render the story less subversive and more palatable to the reactionary new administration that ascended the throne in 1802.[28] The poet closes his epic with a famously cryptic couplet that seems to parallel Hsing-chen’s realization that life itself is a quest that, if undertaken thoughtfully, leads to the dawn of spiritual enlightenment: “Reader, may these plain but honest words I write / brighten the long hours of your own dark night.”[29] These isolated two lines give the impression of having been tacked on almost as an afterthought, perhaps to soften the dire warnings about the inevitability of fate and karmic reckoning that frame the story in its introductory and concluding passages.

Like Kim, Nguyễn Du experienced a checkered career moving in and out of power in an unstable political environment, and like Kim it is believed he was indirectly referencing himself and his own political setbacks in his work. As a privileged courtier’s son who had been firmly on the path of a successful civil service career, Nguyễn Du served the Lê dynasty from the outset of the revolution until the dynasty’s extirpation in 1787. Unlike Kim he was brought back into civil service by the victorious Nguyễn dynasty at the conclusion of Vietnam’s bitter civil wars rather than being expelled out of it.[30] As mentioned above, the name Kiều means a wanderer (a truyện is a story). Like Nguyễn Du himself, his wandering protagonist winds up in the same place where she began. For redefinition of traditional roles in the Confucian system. Kiều’s quest throughout the narrative is fueled by an impossible desire to find her way back to where she was at the height of her happiness, a chaste young teenager enmeshed in the attachments of family ties and first love. Only after the fruitless pursuit of her past leads to a tragic death does she realize that an attempt to reverse time by ignoring the circumstances of one’s present experience is an empty endeavor.

The storyline of Nguyễn Du’s poem follows the plot of a Chinese historical novel that was popular at the time but has now been nearly forgotten—although there are five different variations, only six copies total survive[31]—but features a philosophic dimension that is unique in any of its adaptations. The Truyện Kiều begins with a warning that excessive beauty and talent can be a trap, attracting unwelcome attention from other people and even the jealous machinations of Heaven itself.[32] In the case of fifteen-year-old Kiều, the trap has been set by her own accumulation of karmic demerit over the course of previous lives: like Kim’s Shao-yu, she was cursed to be born a paragon, physically stunning and naturally gifted with a genius for poetry and music.

The story itself opens with a scene where Kiều and her two siblings attend the Qingming tomb-sweeping festival, a Confucian celebration of ancestral veneration and community participation that brings citizens together to perform a collective act of filial piety. Kiều notices, however, that one grave is left unkempt: that of a once-famous beauty of great musical talent who died young with no descendants to carry on her memory.[33] In a surge of empathy, she composes a poem on the spot and scratches it onto a nearby tree, thus unwittingly setting her destiny into motion and introducing a supernatural element into what up to that point has been a description of a fairly mundane life. That night she is visited by the ghost of the young woman, who has come to warn her that they both “ride in the same boat,” destined to suffer damnation.[34]

Mahayana Buddhism, the variety most commonly practiced in East and Southeast Asia in Nguyễn Du’s (and Kim Man-jung’s) time as well as today, recognizes a system of highly compartmentalized hells where souls are tortured in inventive ways that often reflect whatever major sin they committed in their last life or an overbalance of demerit built up by making the same mistakes over the course of successive lives. Women in traditional societies are considered to be especially at risk because they have less access to formal religious education and they are frequently exposed to blood pollution, both in the kitchen when preparing meat and in the processes of menstruation and childbirth. Because of the doctrine of reincarnation and the Buddha nature within all beings, these hells are temporary destinations designed to purge the bearer of bad karma before she can proceed on the journey toward enlightenment. That said, the purging process is a long one that can continue for eons, as any girl with Kiều’s attention to piety would be well aware.[35] 

Kiều’s ghostly visitor suggests, however, that there might be a way out of what seems an inevitable path to potentially centuries-long incarceration, remarking that the spirits’ overseer in the underworld, “the head of the Company of Sadness,” was so impressed with Kiều’s poetic skill—and, no doubt, with her empathetic impulse, which is a Buddhist goal—he has asked her to compose ten more poems, this time on subjects he has set on her behalf.[36] Kiều complies without hesitation. In reward, as we discover later, her stint in hell will be converted to an opportunity to work off her bad karma by fifteen years of suffering on earth. This plot point marks an immediate departure from Kim Man-jung’s more conventional concept of the protagonist as passively reacting to circumstances beyond his control, the monk Hsing-chen in his cell dreaming about a different (albeit very active) life in which he has no actual agency. By seizing her brush and dashing off ten brilliant lyrics “in a single flow of movement and idea,”[37] Kiều employs the very skill that is a part of her curse to earn a lightening of the load of that curse.

The underworld chief’s diversion of her suffering from the afterlife to this one becomes evident very soon, when corrupt mandarins arrest her brother and father for a false debt. To save them from debtors’ prison, Kiều volunteers to marry an older rich man from a distant province. Too late, she discovers that her “husband” is a sexual trafficker who will use her beauty and her outstanding skill as a musician to make her the star attraction at a brothel. Each night as she prepares for work, a kind of work that will inevitably bring more demerit, she returns to thoughts of her family but knows that if she is ever to be divested of her accumulating karmic burden she cannot return to her old life:

Lonely, she looks through her curtained window,
and watches each dusk chase its day.
As the moon-hare leaps, as the sun-crow whirls,
she thinks of the Company of Sadness.
Each member is granted the beauty of a rose
and pays for it in misery.
They live their lives in a fierce sandstorm.
They cannot reach their destiny
until they drink from the cup of grief.[38]

The remainder of the story follows Kiều’s epic journey and her search for meaning through various episodes as a prostitute, a concubine, a lay priestess, and finally the queen of a powerful rebel captain who exacts revenge on her enemies before he, too, succumbs to his fate by falling victim to an ambush by imperial forces. Throughout it all, she is protected by supernatural elements, first in the form of the ghost of the dead woman with whom she identifies and later in the prayers of the nun Giác Duyên, whom she meets along the way. Kiều and Giác Duyên are drawn to one another, presumably because of an unresolved attachment from an earlier life similar to the one created when Kim’s monk Hsing-chen established a connection with the eight fairies that carried over into his life as Shao-yu. The word duyên is commonly translated as “fate,” but it has further connotations of affinity and a future or past karmic bond between two people, places, or objects whose fates are intertwined.

Remarkably, the poem concludes with Kiều restored to the bosom of her family and reunited with her first love, Kim Trọng. As in the dream she cherished nightly for fifteen years as her dearest wish, she manages to come full circle and return to her original home. Rather than resuming a traditional woman’s life with all its elements of phallocentric hierarchies as mandated by a society built on Confucian values, however, she negotiates with Kim for a Platonic marriage that will preserve the uniqueness of their relationship, since her extensive experience of fifteen years of engagement in sexual relations with multiple partners has cheapened the prospect of physical intimacy.[39] She even convinces her family to build a temple on a hill where she can care for the shrine and rituals that form the invisible backbone of a Vietnamese community’s Buddhist life, but without the burden of monastic rigor or the ascetic life she shared with Giác Duyên, which required her to shut herself away from earthly concerns.

Kiều’s solution to the problem of satisfying both her familial and spiritual obligations—her Confucian side as well as her Buddhist side—is a demonstration of Nguyễn Du’s ability to hybridize two fixed systems notorious for their patriarchal hierarchy and fundamental incompatibility into a satisfying compromise that transcends the limitations of gender and one’s personal past history.[40] Unlike Kim Man-jung, he resolves the split and merges the two competing impulses into a single narrative. His own life, too, was an illustration of such compromise, as he entered the administrative service of the upstart dynasty he had actively fought against. This betrayal of the loyalty a Confucian public servant owes to his sworn master was a difficult decision that he arrived at after years of consideration and near starvation before finally capitulating to the need to accept a salaried position for the sake of his family, bringing with it a sense of shame that he was never quite able to shake off. As Kiều explains to Kim, “life is lived and cannot be unlived.”[41]

Eventually the new rulers came to appreciate Nguyễn Du’s sacrifice, and his talent as well. Minh Mạng, the second of the Nguyễn emperors, acknowledged the genius of Truyện Kiều and, despite its subversive and often disturbing content, arranged to have it published. It became widely available in print just five years after the author’s death in 1820.

Kiều’s truyện concludes with advice for the reader that could, perhaps, be considered equally relevant to the message of Kim Man-jung’s description of the dream of the sensual life that the monk Hsing-chen subconsciously longed to experience and finally rejected:

Contemplate the lessons of this story:
heaven decides everything. Our destiny is written.
Some suffer dreadful misery;
some live lives of luxury.
The most talented are not always
the ones who succeed:
that would be too neat and is too rare.
Looks and luck don’t always rhyme.
Never complain about your fate:
you have one life. Live it.
Within yourself, you hold a precious gift,
worth more than all the talents on this earth:
a human heart.[42]

ENDNOTES

[1]. Book 7.21 of Confucius’s Analects famously recounts how Confucius himself never spoke of supernatural phenomena.

[2]. Jinsil Choi, “Reproduction and reception of the concepts of Confucianism, Buddhism, and polygamy: Kuunmong in translation,” in Key Cultural Texts in Translation, ed. Kirsten Malmkjaer and Adriana Şerban (Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2018), 203–18.

[3]. “Katherine Beaman reviews The Nine Cloud Dream by Kim Man-Jung,” Asymptote 9, no. 2 (April 2019), https://www.asymptotejournal.com/criticism/kim-man-jung-the-nine-cloud-dream/.

[4]. David Kaye, “From Playing Around To A Penguin Classic: Tim Allen’s The Song of Kiều,” Vietcetera International Edition, March 27, 2019, https://vietcetera.com/en/from-playing-around-to-a-penguin-classic-tim-allens-the-song-of-kieu.

[5]. The notable exception to Allen’s adherence to line-by-line translation is Nguyễn Du’s famous introductory verse, which is more loosely rendered than the rest of the poem in order to emphasize its monitory message about the fleeting nature of good fortune.

[6]. Kyungku Lee, “Bunmu Gongsin, the Last Meritorious Officials of the Joseon Dynasty,” Likeness and Legacy in Korean Portraiture (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2020), 32–39; 32. Lee further points out that Sukjong’s transactional attitude toward his wives and desperation for an heir has led to frequent comparisons with Henry VIII of England. Unlike Henry, Sukjong changed his mind and reinstated Queen Inhyeon five years later, demoting Lady Jang once again to concubine status and setting her up for the assassination by poison that ended her life in 1701. In a similar reversal, officials who had supported Lady Jang were immediately deported (35). All this came too late for Kim Man-jung, however, as he died in exile in 1692.

[7]. The story of Queen Inhyeon’s trials and eventual exoneration, paralleled with the spectacular fall and demise of Lady Jang, took on a life of its own and is still one of the most popular subjects for Korean historical dramas. Throughout the eighteenth century, a series of highly fictionalized accounts of the deposed Queen (with supernatural details about her childhood, such as “Her father once observed rainbow-like shimmers over her washbowl”) circulated in novella format. Despite the authors’ careful avoidance of politics, it is a highly Confucian tale, focused on feminine modesty and the lack thereof in the Queen’s rival, who is portrayed as an unwomanly villain. Richard Rutt and Kim Chong-un, who translated one of these works in 1974, commented that “the exaggerated virtuousness of Queen Inhyeon re-echoes the determined propriety of some of the female protagonists of Kuunmong.” Kim Man-jung, Virtuous Women: Three Classic Korean Novels, trans. Richard Rutt and Kim Chong-un (Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society/UNESCO, 1974), 182. A more recent translation, with an introduction that emphasizes the novella’s influence up to the present day, was undertaken by Minsoo Kang in Azalea: Journal of Korean Literature & Culture 10 (2017): 275–345.

[8]. Cuong Tu Nguyen and A. W. Barber, “Vietnamese Buddhism in North America” in The Faces of Buddhism in America (Berkeley: U of California Press 1998), 129–46; 137. Nguyen and Barber explain that in Vietnamese Buddhism, both at home and abroad, most lay people feel that the primary function of monks and nuns is not to preach or explain the dharma but to serve as a conduit through which people can accumulate merit, often without direct personal contact. By taking on this retiring role in a shrine on a former lover’s property, Kiều is able to avoid retribution from his jealous wife (Truyện Kiều, lines 1917–2028).

[9]. Francisca Cho, “A Literary Analysis of Kuunmong,” in The Cloud Dream of the Nine, trans. James S. Gale (Kumamoto: Kurodahan Press, 2003), xii. Cho’s Embracing Illusion: Truth and Fiction in The Dream of Nine Clouds (New York: SUNY, 1996), published under the name Francisca Cho Bantly, is the only book-length critical study on Kuunmong available in English.

[10]. Heinz Insu Fenkl, introduction to Kim Man-jung, The Nine Cloud Dream, trans. Heinz Insu Fenkl (New York: Penguin Books, 2019), viii.

[11]. Fenkl, introduction, ix. Fenkl further suggests that “Kuunmong needs to be considered in light of Chinese as well as Korean literature. In a Chinese context, Kuunmong fits into the genre of quanqi (“strange tales”) that young Confucian scholars would sometimes write as part of their civil examinations to entertain their elder examiners (and perhaps thus earn a higher score)” (xiii).

[12]. The term Việt Kiều is used today to describe the Vietnamese diaspora, especially those who left the country as refugees at the war’s end in the 1970s and are still living abroad.

[13]. Montira Rato, “Filial Piety and Chastity in Nguyen Du’s The Tale of Kieu,” MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities 14 (2007): 66–75; 68, http://www.manusya.journals.chula.ac.th/files/essay/Montira_66-75.pdf.

[14]. In East Asian iconography, bridges symbolize “a place between life and death, sacred and profane, or even one’s inner world and the outside world.” Yifan Zou, “A Liminal Space: Bridges in Chinese Landscape Art,” Princeton University Art Museum, Not Just a Bridge: Works from the Museum Collections, Summer 2016, https://artmuseum.princeton.edu/collections/terms/2188500.

[15]. Although this apparently fortunate birth is treated as a misfortune on account of the likelihood of its leading him further into temptation, when administering the curse, Hsing-chen’s master makes it clear that although Hsing-chen has been duplicitous in trying to hide his inability to avoid mental distraction, his reincarnation as Shao-yu is not a punishment but an exercise that will be necessary to secure his eventual enlightenment. “I am sending you away because that is what you wish,” he explains. Kim Man-jung, The Nine Cloud Dream, trans. Heinz Insu Fenkl, 9.

[16]. In “The Structure of the Kuun mong [A dream of nine clouds],” Chang Sik Yun suggests that because the austerely Confucian style of the literati class to which Kim belonged frowns upon overtly erotic description, his extensive use of practical jokes within the narrative could be a sublimation of sorts, a means of emphasizing the hero’s sexual prowess without violating the  “ambience of aestheticism and good taste”: “The various games devised to create opportunities for amorous adventures are, in a sense, a means of outmaneuvering the decorum that inhabits the libido.” Chang Sik Yun, “The Structure of the Kuun mong [A dream of nine clouds],” Korean Studies 5 (1981): 27–41; 34.

[17]. Kim, The Nine Cloud Dream, 204.

[18]. Perhaps the most romantic touch in this entire story is the passage that states, “All of the women had children, each of them bearing sons except for Ts’ai-feng and Ling-po, who each bore a daughter. They raised their children well, never having to witness any poor behavior.” Even Kim has to admit that such felicity is unrealistic. He adds, “And this was entirely unlike the common people.” Kim, The Nine Cloud Dream, 202.

[19]. Kim, The Nine Cloud Dream, 214. Dharma, a Sanskrit term, is a complex concept that is not easily translated into English. Sometimes it is rendered as “truth,” “righteousness,” “law,” or even “the way,” but in recent years standard practice has been to use the word itself rather than attempting to find a one-word substitution.

[20]. Kim, The Nine Cloud Dream, 210–11.

[21]. Yun, “The Structure of the Kuun mong,” 40. Fenkl does not directly address Yun’s arguments in his notes, but he clearly disagrees with Yun’s conclusion. The gradual onset of disillusionment, he suggests, is more likely than sudden crisis to turn individuals toward the shedding of worldly attachments, at least in most ordinary people: “Thus the structure of the novel is a kind of microcosmic analogy to what happens in the greater world of reality,” though “ironically, the illusory world in the novel occupies most of its narrative” as so often happens with our own individual narratives in real life. Kim, The Nine Cloud Dream, 224–25n10.

[22]. Richard Rutt, introduction to A Nine Cloud Dream by Kim Man-jung in Virtuous Women: Three Classic Korean Novels, 12.

[23]. Fenkl, introduction, xv. One might extend this numerological significance to the underworld, as well as the realm of the living. According to Adriana Proser in the introduction to her Comparative Hell, “Buddhists believe in the existence of 8 major hells,” although “as many as 272 subdivisions” are acknowledged in some traditions. Comparative Hell: Arts of Asian Underworlds (New York: Asia Society Museum, 2020), 16. The concept of any afterlife place devoted to horrific punishment, much less as many as 272 of them, is not a matter of concern for the characters in Kuunmong. For Nguyễn Du’s Kiều, however, the threat presented by that notion of divided and individually appropriate hells is a very real problem that must be addressed, and serves as the backbone of the Truyện Kiều plot.

[24]. Fenkl, introduction, ix.

[25]. Kim, The Nine Cloud Dream, 113–23.

[26]. Yang Hi Choe-Wall, Vision of a Phoenix: The Poems of Hŏ Nansŏrhŏn (Ithaca: Cornell East Asia Program, 2003), 18.

[27]. Fenkl, introduction, xiv.

[28]. George Dutton’s account of The Tây Sơn Uprising: Society and Rebellion in Eighteenth-Century Vietnam (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006) is still the most comprehensive Western-language study of the political landscape in the turbulent period between the initial insurrection in 1773 and the founding of the Nguyễn dynasty in 1802. Once on the throne, the first of the Nguyễn emperors moved to unite the fragmented country by adopting numerous reactionary policies, including the reversal of recent reforms of the tax and land allocation system and the restoration of Chinese as the official language of the court. In a way, he too was making an attempt to set the clock back to a fictitious golden age.

[29]. Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, trans. Timothy Allen (New York: Penguin Books, 2019), 151, lines 3254–55. Allen sets off this final couplet about the “long night” with an asterisk and a line break that sets it off from the conclusion of the story itself.

[30]. The poet Nguyễn Du had no relation to the Nguyễn dynasty, despite the similarity in name. In fact he had been closely aligned with the preceding Lê dynasty, even serving as an officer in the military before their defeat. Nguyễn is an extremely common surname in Vietnam, and according to some sources, 30–40 percent of Vietnamese share the name.

[31]. Charles Benoit, The Evolution of the Wang Cuiqiao Tale: From Historical Event in China to Literary Masterpiece in Vietnam (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1981), 276.

[32]. In his translation, Timothy Allen distills this cautionary warning to a statement that “long years betray the beautiful.” Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, 5, line 8. Allen’s translation is notably succinct, foregrounding the action and allowing it to make the philosophical points on its own rather than attempting to reproduce Nguyễn Du’s denser, heavily allusive style.

[33]. Suggestively, the grave is located “beside a little bridge” that the siblings cross over as they are heading home from the cemetery (Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, 6; Truyện Kiều, line 56). As footnote 14 explains earlier in this paper, bridges are emblematic of liminal spaces.

[34]. Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, 11; Truyện Kiều, line 202.

[35]. A substantial and richly illustrated study of the tradition of such multiple hells can be found in Comparative Hell: Arts of Asian Underworlds, ed. Adriana Proser (see note 8 in this paper). For further information on the role of gender in Buddhist underworld narratives from the long eighteenth century, see Beata Grant and Wilt L. Idema, Escape from Blood Pond Hell: The Tales of Mulian and Woman Huang (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2011).

[36]. Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, 12; Truyện Kiều, lines 203–4. The composition of poems on set subjects was a significant element of the civil service examinations, normally an exclusively male pursuit.

[37]. Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, 12; Truyện Kiều, line 206.

[38]. Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, 59–60; Truyện Kiều, lines 1265–74. Kiều does not readily accept her role as a prostitute. When she first discovers what is in store for her, she attempts suicide. While she recovers from a self-inflicted stab wound, she is visited again by the ghost, who reminds her that she has a debt to pay in order to fulfill the conditions of the underworld chief.

[39]. Jonathan Tan remarks that their unconventional marriage arrangement defies expectations that a good wife in a Confucian sense will sublimate her desires to that of her husband and satisfy the need to produce children within a system that—as we saw at the scene in the graveyard where Kiều and her siblings participate in the Qingming festival—foregrounds the veneration of ancestors. However, “one notes how Nguyễn Du also described the harmony (hoà) and mutual respect (kính) between Thúy Kiều and her spouse using the image of musical harmony arising from lute-playing (line 3222). This is highly significant, because lute-playing is a traditional Confucian metaphor for harmony and concord within a conjugal relationship.” Jonathan Y. Tan, “A Daughter’s Filiality, A Courtesan’s Moral Propriety and a Wife’s Conjugal Love: Rethinking Confucian Ethics for Women in the Tale of Kiều (Truyện Kiều),” in Religion and Culture in Dialogue: East and West Perspectives, ed. Janis Talivaldis Ozolinš (Cham, Switzerland: Springer International Publishing, 2016), 129–151; 148. Ironically, however, Kiều’s outstanding skill at the lute has caused many of her troubles in the “world of dust” because of the unwelcome attention it brings to her from men who consider themselves connoisseurs of feminine accomplishment. When Kim asks her to play for him after their long-delayed wedding, she acquiesces and performs better than ever before but warns him that it is just for one time:

These fingers on these strings have caused me so much grief
But now you’ve heard my little tune
the way it should be played,
I’ll put away my lute. That was my final song.
(Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, 149; Truyện Kiều, lines 3211–14)

[40]. K.W. Taylor describes this compromise, engineered by Kiều herself to satisfy all parties, as “an awkward moment when a so-called Confucian ending intrudes and cancels a potential Buddhist ending, bringing the plot back to where it was interrupted by the descent from good society into the underworld.” K.W. Taylor, “Translated Content and Form from Vietnamese into World Literature: The Case of Kiều,” in A Companion to World Literature, ed. Frieda Ekotto and Abigail E. Celis (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley Blackwell, 2020), 2217–27; 2219. Yet throughout the poem, Kiều expresses longing for her family and elements of her old life, to the extent of being blinded to the danger when she advises Từ Hải, the rebel captain, to accept a false offer of truce from the emperor (lines 2480–86). Stricken with guilt at having been an accessory to Từ Hải’s death, she attempts to drown herself but is rescued by Giác Duyên. Her expressed desire to continue her ascetic life at Giác Duyên’s side seems to be grounded in penance as much as personal inclination. At the same time, spiritual existence has a definite appeal that is clearly attractive to Kiều, both in the episode with Giác Duyên immediately before her reunion with her family and an earlier period when she serves at the shrine of the bodhisattva Kuan Yin on the grounds of her former lover’s estate (see footnote 6 in this paper). Like Nguyễn Du and Kim Man-jung, Kiều sometimes seems torn between two competing selves.

[41]. Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, 145; Truyện Kiều, line 3102.

[42]. Nguyễn Du, The Song of Kiều, 150–51; Truyện Kiều, lines 3241–52. Allen’s translation expands the eleven lines of the original into thirteen but does an excellent job of capturing the mood of the passage.

Ignatius Sancho’s Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho, An African (1782): Race and Nation as a Rhetoric of Resistance

Article by Charles Tita
Ignatius Sancho’s Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho, An African (1782): Race and Nation as a Rhetoric of Resistance
DOI: 10.32655/srej.2023.3.1.6
Cite: Tita, Charles. 2023.  “’Ignatius Sancho’s Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho, An African (1782): Race and Nation as a Rhetoric of Resistance ,” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 3 (1): 53-67.
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On December 15, 1780, The Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser printed an obituary notice announcing the following: “About six yesterday morning died suddenly, Mr. Ignatius Sancho, grocer, and tea-dealer, of Charles-street, Westminster, a man whose generosity and benevolence were far beyond his humble station. He was honoured with the friendship of the late Rev. Mr. Sterne, and several of the literati of these times.”[1] Although this obituary, the first documented death announcement for a Black Briton in the British press, praises Ignatius Sancho (c.1729–1780) for his “generosity and benevolence,” it does not add any illustrative examples of the referenced benevolence. It could have mentioned his epistolary writing or his antislavery activism which had been publicized in British print media via the publication of Sancho’s letter to novelist and Anglo-Irish clergyman Laurence Sterne (1713–1768).[2] The obituary underscores Sancho’s “humble station” and portrays him as a recipient of Sterne’s friendship but does not reflect Sancho’s own empowerment as a composer,[3] writer, and activist. Why would an obituary, a newspaper genre aimed at highlighting the biography of the dead, miss these well-established, trailblazing facts about Sancho? Just like the obituary privileges the message that Sancho is a recipient of Sterne’s altruism, the preface to Ignatius Sancho’s collected letters narrowly frames him as a beneficiary of his editor’s patronage, omits his achievements as an artist, and includes a biography that (mis)represents him. In this paper, I contend that despite Frances Crewe’s charitable purpose for editing Sancho’s letters, she asserts editorial censorship that diminishes his agency as a writer. Her portrait of Sancho subverts the capaciousness of his artistic imagination, as reflected in her collection of his letters.

Following Sancho’s death in 1780, his friend and correspondent Frances Crewe[4] collected and posthumously published his letters in a volume titled Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho, an African (henceforth Letters).[5] Crewe’s charitable proposal[6] to assist Sancho’s family was a noble one, but the editorial censorship and patronage she implemented in Letters foregrounded her own agency and denied Sancho’s authority as a writer. Contrary to seventeenth- and eighteenth-century prefatory practices, Crewe’s 127-word preface does not provide Sancho’s purpose and does not invite readers to engage directly with his voice in Letters. In their prefatory address to readers, First Folio editors John Heminge and Henrie Condell, for example, encourage readers to explore Shakespeare’s plays “againe, and againe” to “finde enough, both to draw, and hold [them]: for his wit can no more lie hid.”[7] Crewe does not add footnotes to Letters to provide contexts for readers, and she even misdates Sancho’s most publicized letter to Laurence Sterne (1776 instead of 1766).[8] Rather than call reader’s attention to Sancho’s letters, Crewe deploys a distant third-person narrative voice to situate herself as a benevolent patron and Sancho as a recipient of her beneficence. She reveals her condescension and self-interest through her formal choices in the preface.

Firstly, Crewe portrays Sancho as having no eye to publication; She insists that the rumor about Sancho’s desire to publish his writings is inaccurate.[9] Admittedly, the tenor of Crewe’s attempt to convince readers that Sancho’s letters were not composed with intent to publish is not inconsistent with eighteenth-century editing practice. In his preface to Ukawsaw Gronniosaw’s Narrative (1772), for example, Walter Shirley tells readers that “this account of the Life and spiritual Experience of James Albert was taken from his own mouth, and committed to paper . . . without any intention, at first, that it should be made public.”[10] Notwithstanding, Crewe’s claim ignores the fact that Sancho, who had already been published in a volume of Sterne’s letters in 1775,[11] was no longer an obscure writer. Sancho’s habit of adding postscripts to many of his letters, transforming them into discursive discourses that reflect on social and political events of the day, is an indication of a writer creating transcendent artifacts. In a letter on June 6, 1780, to John Spink,[12] for example, Sancho adds a postscript about a “Sardinian ambassador [who] offered 500 guineas to the rabble, to save a painting of our Saviour from the flames.”[13] A comment with such journalistic precision memorializes this and several other key details about the Gordon Riot, suggesting that Sancho is mindfully creating mini narratives for public readership.

Secondly, portraying Sancho as “an African” with no view to publishing his own work undercuts his antislavery activism. Crewe’s claim ignores Sancho’s letter to Mr. Fisher (1778) that praises antislavery advocates who “paint in such strong colors” the “unchristian and most diabolical usage of my brother Negroes” and “the horrid wickedness of the [Trans-Atlantic] traffic, ”[14] and his letter to Sterne (1766) that decries the “distresses” of his enslaved “poor moorish brethren” in the West Indies.[15] Sancho’s unequivocal denunciation of slavery was a remarkable achievement for a man of color at a time when organized resistance against slavery had not yet formalized as a movement, and such a firm stance suggests that Sancho was not averse to the publication of his letters to further broaden his activism. Refuting Crewe’s claim, Vincent Carretta argues that posthumous publication of private correspondences was common, so “only naïve or malignly inclined readers believed that a correspondent would be unaware of the likelihood that his or her letters would eventually find their way into print.”[16] Crewe does not even reference any of Sancho’s collected letters, several of which convey his activism and philanthropy. By not pointing readers to Sancho’s merit as a writer and activist, Crewe essentially downplays his actual talents and accomplishments to position her editorial labor as valuable.

Thirdly, Crewe implies, condescendingly, that Sancho was clumsy and disorganized. The claim that “not a single letter is here printed from any duplicate preserved by himself, but all have been collected from the various friends to whom they were addressed”[17] suggests that Sancho was uncoordinated and scatterbrained because he did not keep copies of his letters. This claim is contradicted severally. Sancho’s correspondents were spread throughout the British Empire, so it would have been a herculean task to collect all 160 letters included in Letters directly from Sancho’s correspondents in the short amount of time that Crewe had to edit and publish Letters. One of the correspondents, Julius Soubise, had moved to India in 1778, but Sancho’s letters to him are included in Crewe’s edition of Letters. The letters to Soubise most likely were from Sancho’s duplicates, since it was customary for letter writers to keep duplicates.[18] The suggestion of clumsiness and disorganization does not align with the requirements of Sancho’s careers as butler and valet, which demanded excellent organizational skills. As a butler, Sancho “held the highest servant position,” and his duties included “the hiring and supervision of other servants.”[19] As a valet, Sancho was his master’s personal servant “responsible for his appearance” and “his dress and hairdressing” and was “the most visible display of his master’s wealth, fashion, and social prominence.”[20] Sancho honed these skills over the years and transferred them to his business and writing careers. He and his wife managed their own grocery shop in Westminster, London, a career that involved ordering and selling goods such as tobacco, tea, and sugar products from the West Indies. So, Crewe’s portrait of a disorderly Sancho is not buttressed by his self-representation in Letters.

Fourthly, Crewe’s claimed motive to show that “an untutored African may possess abilities equal to a European” assigns Sancho an inferior status in a presumed racial hierarchy. Although Crewe speculates that Africans and Europeans may be inherently equal in abilities, she does not point readers to any of those abilities in Sancho’s letters; conversely, the editors of Shakespeare’s First Folio do call attention to those abilities. It is fair to consider that Crewe may be applying “untutored” to Sancho in the sense of a genius who was denied access to formal education and succeeded anyway, perhaps in the same way that critics tend to apply “native genius” to Shakespeare. However, praise of Shakespeare pertains to his skill as a playwright, but Crewe’s praise of Sancho is for unspecified merit despite his African-ness. By implying that Sancho’s “abilities” are unusual for an African, Crewe places Africans at the bottom of an envisioned hierarchy of races, thereby broadening the notion of race. Samuel Johnson’s A Dictionary of the English Language defined race in the traditional sense of the “human race” or the “ascending” and “descending” contours of a family.[21] So the sense in which race is being evoked in Crewe’s preface is a departure from the Johnsonian definition and a reflection of an emergent hierarchization of race in the eighteenth century. Samuel Hudson argues that the archetypal conception of race had begun to change in the eighteenth century and was taking on new associations with “nation” and “tribe” because “of increasing colonial expansion and scientific thought.”[22] Both Crewe’s and Joseph Jekyll’s[23] categorizations of Sancho as “an African” and “an extraordinary negro”[24] reflect this changing notion of race. Considering her well-intentioned attempt to combat structural inequity by providing pecuniary support to Sancho’s family, Crewe’s failure to point readers to letters that highlight Sancho’s talents is damning. Instead, her editorship constructs a racialized portrait of Sancho that emphasizes his African-ness (or Blackness) in her title and preface to Letters. The qualifying adjective “untutored,” which could also mean “unenlightened,”[25] suggests that Sancho has undergone a transformation to garner enlightened abilities because of white charitable rescue. The implication is that slavery is fine for Africans who lack rescuable merit.

Fifthly, the third-person voice positions Crewe as Sancho’s “rescuer,” thereby promoting her own philanthropy. This seemingly objective voice declares that Crewe “is happy in thus publicly acknowledging she has not found the world inattentive to the voice of obscure merit.”[26] By presenting Sancho as an “African” with “obscure merit,” Crewe rhetorically deemphasizes his “Britishness,” thus upholding the British colonial ethos that Africans need European saviors. Hence, the preface presents Crewe as a savior at work salvaging Sancho’s merit from obscurity, yet she does not identify the merit that she is rescuing. Her self-enthroned savior figure ignores Sancho’s own philanthropy. In his letter to Sterne, Sancho reveals that his “chief pleasure has been books; philanthropy [he] adore[s].”[27] Crewe’s narrative voice also celebrates her as a patron driven by a “superior motive, of wishing to serve [Sancho’s] worthy family.”[28] On the strength of Crewe’s influence and connections with the elite class, Sancho may have asked her to posthumously publish his letters and provide financial support for his impoverished family. In his last letter to Crewe just three months before his death, Sancho invites her to consider an important, urgent matter that he has pondered for some time. He tells her, “I have the honour to address you upon a very interesting, serious, critical subject. Do not be alarmed! It is an affair which I have had at heart some days past.”[29] Ryan Hanley argues that “Sancho was aware of his impending death and put measures in place to provide for his family.”[30] The fact that Crewe was gathering Sancho’s letters for publication, drawing up a subscription list, and hiring a biographer within a few months of Sancho’s death tells us that Sancho most likely had authorized the publication of his letters, and Crewe was acting on that agreement to fulfill her patronage to his family.

Governed by her own self-interest, however, Crewe’s editorship of Letters undermined Sancho’s artistic imagination. The following excerpt from a letter Thomas Lord (1755–1832)[31] sent to Sir Martin Holkes on July 24, 1781, sheds light on Crewe’s interests as patron and editor:

Miss Crew lately dind here, she patronizes Ignatius Sancho’s family, a widow, & three children, one a cripple, Mr. Holkes answered for one of them, Miss Crew hath received already near one hundred pounds by subscription for his Letters, knowing Sancho I threw in my mise. I fear as Dr. Johnson at present declines the drawing up the Memoirs of Sancho’s Life, that the account may not be so entertaining as the subject would bear.[32]

As Lord’s letter reveals, Johnson, the most famous biographer of the day, had accepted to write Sancho’s biography but later declined most likely because he considered that the available biographical material was insufficient for an entertaining narrative. Although Jekyll later accepted to do the job, he too confirms this paucity of biographical material: “Of a Negro, a Butler, and a Grocer, there are but slender anecdotes to animate the page of the biographer.”[33] This statement implies that Crewe was interested in achieving an entertaining portrait of Sancho. By exerting editorial censorship that sought to exclude Sancho’s voice and frame him entertainingly suggests that she had self-interest beyond the provision of pecuniary support to Sancho’s family. Crewe was a political hostess with close ties to leading Whig politicians, including Charles James Fox (1749–1806)[34] and Richard Sheridan (1851-1816)[35] who were both antislavery activists, so her editorship of Letters was an opportunity to produce a text that would serve as a useful tool for antislavery campaigns.[36]

Crewe’s promotion of Letters in British newspapers further reveals her nuanced editorial goal to provide for the Sancho family as well as fulfill her own self-interest. Carretta notes that Crewe was likely the one who “anonymously submitted to The Gentleman’s Magazine in May1781” a copy of Sancho’s 1772 letter to Julius Soubise to be used as a sales pitch for Letters.[37] The referenced letter portrays Sancho as a coach advising the wayward Julius Soubise to “look up to thy almost divine benefactors” with “awe and reverence.”[38] In the same letter, Sancho also asks Soubise to “look around upon the miserable fate of almost all of our unfortunate colour—superadded to ignorance.”[39] This letter is a selected snapshot that shows Sancho praising British benefactors, contrasting his and Soubise’s “fortunate” circumstance with the misery of their fellow Blacks in the West Indies and implying that he and Soubise are in better conditions because of British rescuers. Crewe highlights this seemingly pro-imperialist gaze of Sancho, if satirical, perhaps to invite Britons to join the antislavery effort. Ryan Hanley argues that such contrivances demand “a reading of Letters as a purposefully constructed commercial and literary artefact, in which Sancho’s self-representations were carefully but not unproblematically manipulated by Crewe and Jekyll to show him in the best light presumed possible and thereby advance an antislavery agenda and maximise income for the support of his family.”[40] That being so, Crewe prepared a preface and directed a biography of Sancho that envision Sancho’s success as a product of white benevolence. Therefore, Crewe’s preface is a discourse that may be read as a colonial narrative[41] in which her editorial authority is mimetic of Britain’s hegemonic power.

The representation of colonized people (or people targeted for colonization) as simplistic, disorganized, and needing European rescue is a pervasive motif in postcolonial studies. Attesting to the stereotypical simplification and objectification of the colonized, novelist and critic Chinua Achebe (1930–2013) argues that “to the colonialist mind it was always of the utmost importance to be able to say: ‘I know my natives’, a claim which implied two things at once: (a) that the native was really quite simple and (b) that understanding him and controlling him went hand in hand—understanding him being a precondition for control.”[42] In this vein, Crewe emblematizes the colonialist philosophy in her assignment of simple, unexemplified references to Sancho such as “an African,” “untutored African,” and “obscure merit.” She is like the district commissioner in Chinua Achebe’s novel, Things Fall Apart (1958),[43] whose tenure in Eastern Nigeria is ending and who reflects on a book he is planning to write upon his return to Britain: “There was so much else to include, and one must be firm in cutting out details. He had already chosen the title of the book, after much thought: The Pacification of the Primitive Tribes of the Lower Niger.”[44] The title of the district commissioner’s envisioned book and his condescension depict the British colonial philosophy as monstrously hypocritical. The district commissioner, whom the indigenes resent for his petulant disruption of their traditional way of life, is an agent of Britain’s hegemonic domination. Despite his ignorance about the rich culture and polity of the Igbo people, the colonial agent, who only sees the colonized through a white supremacist veil, imagines them as uncivilized and in dire need of order that the British are there to provide. So, the charge of disorganization is a pretext for settler colonialism.[45] And the word pacification in the title of the district commissioner’s colonial narrative is used denigratingly to propound the notion of an African wilderness with savage natives needing to be tamed and civilized. In this context, primitive could mean “native” or “indigenous” which, though not derogatory, does connote a misguided assumption that the colonized are homogeneously noncomplex. The word primitive in the district commissioner’s book title is akin to Crewe’s use of “untutored African” that similarly stereotypes Sancho and, by extension, all Africans.

Like the district commissioner who most likely does not see the need to include the voices of colonized indigenes in his book, Crewe does not include Sancho’s voice in her preface. Not a single letter by Sancho is referenced in Crewe’s preface or in Jekyll’s biography of Sancho. By emphasizing Sancho’s African-ness, Crewe transforms him into a colonial symbol that represents Africans who are “untutored” or “unenlightened” and therefore ripe for British colonial “rescue.” It is through this kind of racialized and denigrating gaze that Jekyll constructs The Life of Ignatius Sancho (henceforth Life of Ignatius)[46] as a complement to Crewe’s preface.

Much like the colonial narrative that Achebe’s district commissioner proposes, Jekyll’s Life of Ignatius imagines Sancho as an extraordinary negro, a stereotypical portrait that subverts Sancho’s own self-fashioning in Letters. The biography consists of narrated events, each culminating in an anticlimax, implying that Sancho’s success is only possible because of a white savior and not his innate ability. According to Jekyll, Sancho’s birth occurs onboard a slave ship on the Middle Passage in 1729. Sancho’s mother dies of disease soon after giving birth to him, and his father commits suicide to defy enslavement. Instead of blaming the monstrous slave system that claimed the lives of the infant’s parents, the biography lauds the white priest who baptizes the infant and names him Charles Ignatius, thus showing the priest as the baby’s savior. The euphemistic phrasing of Charles Ignatius’s enslavement in England at age two is striking: “At little more than two years old, his master brought him to England, and gave him to three sisters, resident at Greenwich.”[47] Jekyll masquerades this merciless sale of an orphaned child into domestic slavery as some type of search-and-rescue mission undertaken by the slave master for the child’s own welfare. The child’s new owners name him Sancho, inspired by a perceived “resemblance to the Squire of Don Quixote.”[48] Jekyll tells us that Sancho faced the scrutiny of his new enslavers who kept him from acquiring literacy in his teenage years, believing that his “African ignorance was the only security for his obedience and that to enlarge the mind of a slave would go near to emancipate his person.”[49] Jekyll’s use of “African ignorance” compares to Crewe’s use of “untutored African” to label Africans as unenlightened and in need of European rescuers. Jekyll also highlights the philanthropy of the Duke of Montagu, who intervenes to save Sancho from his first London enslavers, but does not consider Sancho’s mental health when facing the threat of being sent to plantation slavery in the West Indies by his enslavers. Notwithstanding the goodwill of Montagu for his intervention, the truth is that Sancho was still his slave. He had merely been traded from three cruel mistresses to a kind master and was only manumitted at age twenty by the Duchess of Montagu after the duke’s death in 1749.[50]

According to Jekyll, when the duchess had rejected Sancho’s request for protection after the duke’s death, “[Sancho] procured an old pistol for purposes which his father’s example had suggested as familiar and had sanctified as hereditary.”[51] The evocation of the filial link is an apt one, but Jekyll does not also consider the trauma that prompted many enslaved people to consider suicide. The young Sancho reportedly squandered his personal savings and the annuity bequeath to him upon the death of the duchess, and Jekyll attributes this gambling addiction to “a propensity which appears to be innate among his countrymen.”[52] Even if the gambling did happen, it would be prejudicial to interpret Sancho’s youthful extravagance as indication that all Africans exhibit profligate behaviors. After the death of the duchess, Sancho attempted to pursue a stage career by auditioning to play Othello and Oroonoko, and Jekyll explains that “a defective and incorrigible articulation rendered it [Sancho’s audition] abortive.”[53] The referenced “incorrigible articulation” is uncorroborated, and may be explained by what Cara Samuel and Drexler Ortiz observe as a growing recognition in psychology “of how racialized groups are often dehumanized and pathologized.”[54] That being so, Jekyll is pathologizing the particularities of Sancho’s speech rather than foregrounding the endemic racism Blacks were up against in eighteenth-century British society.

Sancho was attempting a stage career at a time when a Black man was yet to play the role of Othello in Britain (the first was Ira Aldridge in 1825, about half a century later).[55] Before Aldridge, the roles of Othello and Oroonoko were played by white men, beginning with Richard Burbage (c.1567–1619), who wore dark makeup, a phenomenon known as “blackface.”[56] For this reason, blaming the rejection of Sancho on his articulation seems elitist and insincere, particularly since Jekyll was aware of the discriminatory exclusion of women and Blacks from eighteenth-century theatre in Britain. Sancho’s subsequent careers also do not bear out the claim of an incorrigible articulation. After wasting his money and failing to secure a stage career, Sancho was employed by the Second Duke of Montagu, who made him his valet, a job that required more than average communication ability. It is ironic, also, that the Othello symbol was often evoked in British print media, if denigratingly, to describe Sancho, yet he was deemed unfit to play Othello’s character on stage. Finally, Jekyll recounts that Sancho retired as a servant in 1773 due to complications of gout disease and obesity that “rendered him incapable of farther attendance in the duke’s family”[57] and became a grocer and writer until his death in 1780. Throughout Life of Ignatius, Jekyll underscores Sancho’s success as exceptional but only in the context of other people of African descent and mostly because of white saviors. Brycchan Carey argues that Jekyll fabricated much of Life of Ignatius to create a fascinating story for eighteenth-century abolitionists as evidence that Africans had both humanity and intellectual capacity.[58] The knowable chronology of Sancho’s life only begins at age two when he is enslaved in Britain. His parentage and life before his enslavement in Britain are a logical impasse, which was typical for enslaved people in the eighteenth century. For example, the early years and parentage of Phillis Wheatley are unknown because she was kidnapped as a child from the Senegambia region and enslaved in Boston. Rather than leave readers in aporia, Jekyll fills the gaps in Sancho’s biography with narrated events that scholars now consider fictive, which helps explain why Samuel Johnson declined to write Sancho’s biography.

Jekyll’s overriding goal in Life of Ignatius is to frame Sancho in the image of an extraordinary negro, and he selects a verse from Virgil’s Eclogue as the epigraph for the narrative. The translation states, “Tho’ he was black, and thou art heav’nly fair.” [59] This verse freights Sancho as a racialized “other.” The contradictory conjunction “tho[ough]” in the Virgilian verse sets up the argument that despite Sancho’s Blackness, he is exceptional, and the verse concludes with an appeal to white readers who “art heav’nly fair” to look past Sancho’s Blackness to the portrait that shows him as an extraordinary negro. By describing Sancho as an exceptional black person, Jekyll perpetuates the myth that blackness represents a nonalluring category that contrasts with whiteness, depicted as “heav’nly fair.” This racializing approach of defining Blackness in apposition to whiteness is amplified by Thomas Jefferson’s critique of Sancho’s Letters in Notes on the State of Virginia (1785). Jefferson reluctantly praises Sancho as a writer who has “approached nearer to merit in composition,” but Jefferson introduces a racial hierarchy via two contrasting conjunctions to emphasize that such merit is only applicable in the class of Black writers and to exclude Sancho from the class of white writers: “Though we admit him to the first place among those of his own colour . . . yet when we compare him with the writers of the race among whom he lived, and particularly with the epistolary class, in which he has taken his own stand, we are compelled to enroll him at the bottom of the column.”[60]

Jefferson also critiques Phillis Wheatley, whom he considers meritless: “Religion indeed has produced a Phyllis [Wheatley]; but it could not produce a poet. The compositions published under her name are below the dignity of criticism.”[61] Jefferson’s injection of color into his critique of Sancho and Wheatley is consistent with Crewe’s and Jekyll’s racializations of Sancho’s portrait, therefore pointing to the hierarchization of race in the eighteenth century. Phillis Wheatley, whom Jefferson exiles from the republic of letters, satirizes this eighteenth-century white supremacist notion of race in her poem “On Being Brought from Africa to America.” She mimes the rationale that white enslavers provide to justify enslavement of their Black brethren. Focusing on the lines “Christians, Negros, black as Cain, / May be refin’d, and join th’ angelic train” in Wheatley’s poem, Victoria Ramirez Gentry argues that “through her alignment of ‘Christians’ and ‘Negros,’ Wheatley not only establishes her right to the ‘angelic train’ of Christian redemption but destabilizes the Black/white binary that wrongly identifies Christianity as belonging to whiteness.”[62] Although Wheatley’s enslavement forced her to depend on the patronage of her enslaver to publish her book of poetry, the first by a Black person in North America,[63] several of her poems are replete with satiric resistance of the hypocrisy of slaveholding.

While Crewe and Jekyll did not create the artifice of racial hierarchies, their racialized portraits of Sancho furthered the notion of whiteness and Blackness as markers of race. Perhaps Crewe may even have derived inspiration for her preface and Jekyll’s Life of Ignatius from earlier reviews of Sancho’s 1766 letter in British print media. Sancho’s 1766 letter to Laurence Sterne (to which we will return) charmed the English public when it was first published in 1775, making him the most popular Black Briton, and his reception reflects the growing hierarchization of race. The Monthly Review wrote: “It is a letter to Mr. Sterne, from a sensible Black, in the service of the Duke of Montague. . . . This honest African genius, we are informed, is at this time, by the permission of Heaven, earning a subsistence by keeping a little shop somewhere in Westminster.”[64] Additionally, The Gentleman’s Magazine introduced Sancho’s letter by noting that it will “[show] that the writer, though black as Othello, has a heart as humanized as any of the fairest about St. James’s . . . and the connection between [Sterne] and his sooty correspondent was afterwards continued, as appears by subsequent letters, and by honest Sancho visiting his friend in London.”[65] Consequently, the popularity of Sancho as a Black novelty in British newspapers may have been a factor that impelled Crewe to expedite a publication of Sancho’s Letters in just two years after his death. In comparison, it took seven years for Sterne’s collected letters to appear after his respective death. Like the London papers, Crewe’s preface and Jekyll’s Life of Ignatius strike a balance between praise of Sancho and a disclaimer that color-codes his success. This contrast suggests that antislavery advocates were generally only seeking to end slavery, not to eliminate racial hierarchies.

Remarkably, Crewe’s preface and Jekyll’s Life of Ignatius do not incorporate any aspects of Sancho’s literary vision as represented in his letters. Despite his celebrated popularity, Sancho faced a racist menace in London on account of his Blackness, and his self-fashioning in Letters constitutes a counter discourse that challenges empire and seeks to revise the British public’s color-based racism. Sancho’s 1766 letter to Sterne was his most publicized piece of correspondence. While still working for the Duke of Montagu, Sancho wrote Laurence Sterne, who was arguably the most popular novelist in all of Europe at the time. Sancho had just read Sterne’s The Sermons of Mr. Yorick in which Sterne castigates Britons for their role in the slave trade and the enslavement of Africans. Sterne’s position on slavery so impressed Sancho that he wrote Sterne to introduce himself as “one of those people that the illiberal and vulgar call a Nee-gur” and to thank him for taking up the cause and “distresses of [his] poor moorish brethren” by telling Britons to “consider slavery—what it is—how bitter a draught—and how many millions have been made to drink of it.”[66] In the letter, Sancho also appeals to Sterne to consider giving “half an hour’s attention to slavery” in his popular novel Tristram Shandy, which was being published serially. Perhaps Sterne’s own experience of dislocation as a child may have prepared him to empathize with the perilous fates of enslaved Africans that Sancho recounts. Many readers tend to be familiar only with Sterne’s later years when he had become the famous author of Tristram Shandy. His early years in Ireland where he was born were filled with intractable suffering. During the first decade of his life, his family moved more than ten times, living in military barracks with his father who was an ensign in the British army.[67] Sterne became familiar with army garrisons and British soldiers, who, much like his father, were the tools of British colonial expansion. Sterne’s father died in Jamaica in 1731 in service to the British Empire, and news of it came to him “in the last weeks of his years in the grammar school” in Halifax.[68] These experiences Sterne would later recreate through the characters of Uncle Toby and Corporal Trim.

When Sterne received Sancho’s letter, he had already published the first eight volumes of Tristram Shandy. In his response to Sancho’s compelling request, Sterne wrote: “There is a strange coincidence, Sancho, in the little events (as well as in the great ones) of this world: for I had been writing a tender tale of the sorrows of a friendless poor negro—girl, and my eyes had scarse done smarting with it, when your letter of recommendation in behalf of so many of her brethren and sisters, came to me—but why her brethren?—or yours, Sancho! any more than mine?”[69] Sterne was a celebrity writer, and Sancho a valet in the service of the Duke of Montagu—two men from two social classes—yet Sterne’s response to Sancho strikes a chord of reciprocity, a sincere expression of the egalitarian impulse of the Enlightenment. And, Sterne agreed to honor Sancho’s request, noting: “If I can weave the Tale I have wrote into the Work I’m [about]—tis at the service of the afflicted—and a much greater matter; for in serious truth, it casts a sad Shade upon the World, That so great a part of it, are and have been so long bound in chains of darkness & in Chains of Misery.”[70] Sterne kept his promise to Sancho by weaving the tale of the poor Negro girl with Uncle Toby’s combat chronicle in chapter six of the last volume of Tristram Shandy, the only single-volume installment of the novel. Thus, Sancho’s inspiration helped guide the direction of a chapter in the last serialized volume of Tristram Shandy. Sterne’s most caustic rebuke of empire and slavery is reflected in the story of a Black girl told by Uncle Toby’s assistant, Corporal Trim, who was told the story by his brother, Tom. So, Tom goes to purchase some sausages at a sausage shop in Lisbon wherein he encounters a Black girl alone chasing away flies while making sure not to kill them. Uncle Toby interrupts the story with the comment, “Tis a pretty picture! . . . She had suffered persecution, Trim, and had learnt mercy.”[71] Uncle Toby also notes that the girl’s goodness is the result of nature and suffering. It’s no wonder Sancho, an avid reader and admirer of Sterne, was charmed by the character of Uncle Toby.

As one who is himself a victim of Britain’s imperialist ambitions, Uncle Toby understands the impact of Britain’s hegemonic exploitation, a motif that undergirds Uncle Toby’s war story. Tom’s narration of the Black girl’s story turns to a reflection of Blackness and race—a thought-provoking discourse on race in the eighteenth century. Trim asks Uncle Toby, “A Negro has a soul? an’ please your Honour.”[72] To which Uncle Toby responds, “I suppose God would not leave him without one, any more than thee or me. It would be putting one sadly over the head of another.”[73] Uncle Toby’s use of a masculine pronoun suggests that the reference has moved from the Black girl to collective Blackness. He also seems to suggest that color is an arbitrary form of difference invented as a basis for subjugation, a point upheld by critic Ibram X. Kendi, who argues that “race is a mirage” that “creates . . . the power to categorize and judge, elevate and downgrade, include and exclude.”[74] Uncle Toby declares: “Tis the fortune of war which has put the whip into our hands now—where it may be hereafter, heaven knows,” meaning that today Britain is enslaving Africans, but tomorrow someone may be enslaving Britons. To which Trim responds, “God forbid.”[75] The thought of the tables turning frightens Trim, who cannot imagine himself a slave—a reflection on the hierarchy of race, a white supremacist construct that envisions Blacks as ontologically inferior and whites as permanent purveyors of power. The symbiotic relationship between Sterne and Sancho provides a contrast to this rhetoric of race, nation, and power. Despite their divergent lived experiences, they are unified in their belief that all human beings share a common bond of mutuality—a true reflection of the egalitarian philosophy of the Enlightenment, one that Sancho, in his capacious spirit, aspires to emulate and foster. Therefore, Sancho and Sterne inspire and promote each other’s view and critique of empire, both of which resist imperialist modes of domination.

Sterne’s condemnation of slavery may also have emboldened Sancho to vocalize his own stance against the transatlantic slave trade and the enslavement of Africans in the West. Sancho’s 1778 letter to Jack Wingrave[76] is an example of his militant imputation against British imperialism. Sancho playfully tells his young mentee, “In one of your letters which I do not recollect—you speak (with honest indignation) of the treachery and chicanery of the natives.”[77] In response, Sancho chides, “My good friend, you should remember from whom they learnt those vices:—the first Christian visitors found them a simple, harmless people—but the cursed avidity for wealth urged these first visitors (and all succeeding ones) to such acts of deception—and even wanton cruelty.”[78] He further lectures Wingrave, noting that these enlightened Christians are not in Africa to share the riches of the gospel but to participate in the “Christians’ abominable traffic for slaves—and the horrid cruelty and treachery of the Kings.”[79] Sancho concludes his letter by noting, “I mentioned these only to guard my friend against being too hasty in condemning the knavery of a people who bad as they may be—possibly—were made worse by their Christian visitors.”[80] As demonstrated, Sancho’s letters serve as narrative discourses that resist British imperialism. By linking Christianity with the slave trade, Sancho calls attention to the hugely hypocritical and incongruent British colonial missions. In a 1778 letter to Mr. Fisher,[81] Sancho also condemns the triangular slave trade as an “unchristian and most diabolical usage of [his] brother Negroes.”[82] Sancho then switches to a critique of enslavement of Africans in the West. He praises Phillis Wheatley as a “genius in bondage,” whose poetry “reflects nothing either to the glory or generosity of her master.”[83] He mocks Wheatley’s Christian owner for “[his] vanity of having in his wanton power a mind animated by Heaven—a genius superior to himself.”[84] Similarly, he berates the hypocrisy of all enlightened Christians who stand by idly: “These good great folks—all know—and perhaps admired—nay, praised Genius in bondage—and then, like the Priests and the Levites in sacred writ, passed by—not one good Samaritan amongst them.”[85] Sancho’s insightful reflection on Wheatley’s poetry is a clear indication of his transnational vision and knowledge of the slave trade, slavery, and empire. Referring to Sancho’s comments about Phyllis Wheatley, Carretta valorizes Sancho as “an emblematic figure” who “became the first Anglophone critic of a fellow Black writer and one of the earliest Black critics of the institution of slavery.”[86]The genius in bondage trope equally applies to Sancho and explains his and Wheatley’s transcendent connection with other enslaved Africans in the British Empire.

Sancho and Wheatley were both owned by slaveholders who allowed them access to books, and despite their privileged positions in relation to other Black slaves of the time, they variously expressed feelings of alienation. Sancho lived in Britain his entire life since being enslaved there at age two, so he was a Briton in every respect. He held property and voted twice in parliamentary elections. Writing to his correspondent John Spink on June 6, 1780, however, Sancho says: “I am not sorry I was born in Afric.”[87] By assuming an African persona, Sancho rhetorically removes himself from the British Empire, the place of his upbringing and the subject of his critique. The outsider stance positions him to look at Britain through the lens of oppressed Africans. The letter gives an eye-witness account of the barbarity Sancho observes on the streets of London during the Gordon Riots, generally described as the worst in English history.[88] Sancho tells John Spink about the wounding of a “Lord Sandwich,” who flees from the rioters “bleeding very fast home,” and he reports that there are “two thousand liberty boys . . . swearing and swaggering by with large sticks” looking for Irish workers. In an exasperated tone, Sancho mocks, “This—this—is liberty! genuine British liberty!”[89] As one who is himself a victim of racial discrimination, Sancho’s empathy is on the side of the Irish. For this reason, he sees the Gordon Riots as a microcosmic representation of the hypocrisy of British claims to the ideals of the Enlightenment and Christianity. How could a public that endorses these ideals perpetrate such violence? These kinds of monstrous hypocrisies, compounded by the frequent racial slurs he endured, may have left Sancho with feelings of traumatic displacement. Sancho’s friend William Stevenson (c. 1749–1821) relates an incident that illustrates the racist climate in which Sancho and other Blacks lived: “We [Stevenson, Sancho, and other friends] were walking through Spring-gardens-passage, when, a small distance from before us, a young Fashionable said to his companion, loud enough to be heard, ‘Smoke Othello!’ This did not escape my friend Sancho; who, immediately placing himself across the path, before him, exclaimed with a thundering voice, and a countenance which awed the delinquent, ‘Aye, sir, such such Othellos you meet with but once in a century,’ clapping his hand upon his goodly round paunch. ‘Such Iagos as you, we meet with in every dirty passage. Proceed, sir!’”[90] Consequently, the racism that Sancho experienced alienated him from feeling fully British.

Similarly, Wheatley’s self-representation in her poetry provides readers a more complex portrait than the one her enslavers project. Although the patronage of the Wheatley family enabled Phillis Wheatley to compose and publish her trailblazing book of poetry, her poetry is infused with symbolism that resists her enslavement. As one critic argues, the verse “some view our sable race with a scornful eye” in Wheatley’s poem “On Being Brought from Africa to America,” “is direct speech in which Wheatley separates herself from the interlocutors who are doing the viewing and she becomes the object that is being scorned.”[91] In effect, Wheatley and Sancho indicate that their African-ness makes it impossible to be fully accepted as American and British, respectively, mostly because of their skin color. The genius-in-bondage trope, therefore, is a commentary about the intellectual isolation of Sancho and Wheatley and, by extension, all diasporic Africans. In a letter to correspondent and fellow valet Roger Rush on September 7, 1779, Sancho comments on British militarism, noting that “for my part it’s nothing to me—as I am only a lodger—and hardly that.”[92] Sancho’s feelings of dislocation foreshadowed the ambivalent sensation conceptualized and illustrated by William Edward Burghardt Du Bois in The Souls of Black Folk: Essays and Sketches (1903).[93] Du Bois describes these feelings as “a peculiar sensation, this double consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity . . . two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.”.[94] Ultimately, Crewe and Jekyll reinforce Sancho’s sense of dislocation by assigning him alienating labels. Sancho’s literacy expanded his worldview, providing him the intellectual agility to situate himself within an expanded diasporic Black community, which includes the West Indies, the Americas, and Europe.[95] Jonathan Elmer explains that the Black Atlantic “[focuses] on those aspects of African diasporic experience and expression that transcend both the structures of the nation state and the constraints of ethnicity and national particularity.”[96] Sancho assumes this alienating and transnational posture in many letters when he refers to enslaved Africans in the West Indies as “my brethren” and to himself as a “lodger” or immigrant in Britain. The plaguing Du Boisian sense of twoness may explain Sancho’s exploration of other Black diasporic voices, and, as a result, his engagement with the work of Phillis Wheatley. His self-representation provides readers a broader view into the complex and complicated experience of Blacks in eighteenth-century Britain.

Despite Frances Crewe’s charitable and noble purpose for editing Ignatius Sancho’s letters, she asserted editorial censorship that subverted the capaciousness of his artistic imagination. In her effort to frame Letters as an exigent narrative for antislavery discourse, she did not consider Sancho’s own voice for a more inclusive and balanced portrait. After all, Sancho was the first person of color to openly condemn slavery in Britain. Instead, Crewe condescendingly framed Sancho as “an African” and directed a Sancho biography that envisioned him as an “extraordinary negro,” perhaps with the best misguided intention of showing how Sancho had overcome enslavement because of the benevolence of white Britons. But, by silencing Sancho’s voice as an artist and antislavery advocate, Crewe failed him as editor. The stereotypical portrayal of Sancho in Crewe’s preface and Jekyll’s Life of Ignatius continues to detract from his self-representation in Letters and, in effect, holds his vision and artistic genius in bondage. In our own time, Jekyll’s Life of Ignatius is still an influence on readers, and those who teach Sancho’s Letters may find that students tend to lean too heavily on this embellished biography of Sancho. Because our modern notions of race as a social construct are steeped in an eighteenth-century conception of race as hierarchical, Sancho’s clarion call to resist all forms of discrimination is still unheeded. Just as Sancho was perplexed about a white supremacist discourse that sought to perpetuate the transatlantic slave trade and enslavement of Africans in the West, we too should be perplexed about modern forms of domination that seek to banish Black Lives Matter and LGBTQ2+ rights and Black Studies.

ENDNOTES:

[1]. The Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, December 15, 1780.

[2]. Laurence Sterne (1713–1768) was an Anglo-Irish clergyman. He is the author of The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman (1759–1767), commonly referred to as Tristram Shandy, which was published in nine volumes. Sancho’s 1766 letter to Sterne was included in the posthumous publication of The Letters of Laurence Sterne (1775).

[3]. Sancho was a musical composer and had published a book on the theory of music (first-known Black Briton to publish in Britain).

[4]. Frances Anne Crewe (1744–1818), one of Sancho’s many friends and correspondents, was a political hostess described as “one of the most beautiful women of her time, married, in 1776, John (afterwards Lord) Lord Crewe. . . . She was accustomed to entertain, at Crewe Hall, her husband’s seat in Cheshire, and at her villa at Hampstead, some of the most distinguished of her contemporaries. Fox, who much admired her, Burke, Sheridan, Sir Joshua Reynolds, and Canning were frequent visitors. . . . Sheridan dedicated the ‘School for Scandal’ to her, and some lines addressed to her by Fox were printed at the Strawberry Hill Press in 1775.” James McMullen Rigg, Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 13, Craik—Damer, ed. Leslie Stephen (London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1888), s.v. “Crewe, Frances Anne,” Wikisource, last modified December 29, 2020, 01:43 https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography,_1885-1900/Crewe,_Frances_Anne.

[5]. Ignatius Sancho, Letters of Ignatius Sancho, An African, ed. Vincent Carretta (New York: Broadview Editions, 2015), 311.

[6]. Sancho, Letters, 20. “Sancho’s widow received more than 500 pounds from the over 1,200 subscribers and a fee paid by the booksellers for permission to publish a second edition” (editorial notes).

[7]. John Heminge and Henrie Condell, eds., Mr. William Shakespeare’s Comedies, Histories, & Tragedies (London: Isaac Iaggard and Ed. Blount, 1623), Folger Shakespeare Library, https://www.folger.edu/explore/shakespeare-in-print/first-folio/bookreader-68/.

[8]. Sancho wrote Sterne when he was still a servant in the Montagu household, and it is this 1766 letter that helped launch his writing career.

[9]. Sancho, Letters, 47.

[10]. Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, A Narrative of the Most Remarkable Particulars in the Life of James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, an African Prince as Related by Himself, ed. Walter Shirley (Edinburgh: Hugh Inglis, 1790), 3.

[11]. Laurence Sterne, Letters of the Late Rev. Mr. Laurence Sterne, to His Most Intimate Friends. With a Fragment in the Manner of Rabelais. To Which Are Prefix’d, Memoirs of His Life and Family. Written by Himself. And Published by His Daughter, Mrs. Medalle. In Three Volumes (London: T. Becket), 1775.

[12]. John Spink (1729–1794) was one of Sancho’s principal correspondents. He was “a draper and banker in Bettermarket. . . . During the period of his friendship with Sancho, Spink was also Receiver General for the Eastern Division of the County, County Treasurer. . . . Spink was a wealthy and generous man who bequeathed hundreds of pounds to religious and medical charities, as well as to individuals.” Sancho, Letters, editorial notes.

[13]. Sancho, Letters, 272.

[14]. Sancho, Letters, 165.

[15]. Sancho, Letters, 311.

[16]. Sancho, Letters, 26 (editorial notes).

[17].  Sancho, Letters, 47.

[18]. Sancho, Letters, 19–20 (editorial notes).

[19]. Sancho, Letters, 14.

[20]. Sancho, Letters, 15 (editorial notes).

[21]. Samuel Johnson, A Dictionary of the English Language (1755), s.v. “race,” Samuel John’s Dictionary Online, https://johnsonsdictionaryonline.com/views/search.php?term=race.

[22]. Nicholas Hudson, “From ‘Nation’ to ‘Race’: The Origin of Racial Classification in Eighteenth-Century Thought,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 29, no. 3 (1996): 247–64; 247.

[23]. According to Brycchan Carey, “Joseph Jekyll [1754-1837] was one of the few successful Welsh politicians of his age. Though often thought of as a lightweight, he nonetheless became Solicitor-General and was universally thought of as a wit and pleasant dining partner. Although by no means an active abolitionist, well before his parliamentary career began, he wrote The Life of Ignatius Sancho, the work for which he is best remembered now.” After Samuel Johnson declined to write Sancho’s biography, Frances Crewe assigned the task to Joseph Jekyll.

[24]. “Extraordinary negro” assumes that successful Blacks are a novelty and an exception to the anti-Black belief that Blacks are unexceptional. The concept suggests that Black success is unusual. Framing Sancho as an extraordinary hero perpetuates the notion of race as hierarchical. Thus, the extraordinary negro is a trope that imagines Blackness as ontologically inferior.

[25]. Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. “untutored.”

[26]. Sancho, Letters, 47

[27]. Sancho, Letters, 311.

[28]. Sancho, Letters, 47.

[29]. Sancho, Letters, 290.

[30]. Ryan Hanley, Beyond Slavery and Abolition: Black British Writing, c. 1770–1830 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 38.

[31]. Thomas Lord was an English professional cricket player. See Harry Altham, A History of Cricket, vol. 1 (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1962).

[32]. Thomas Lord to Sir Martin Holkes, July 24, 1781, Norfolk Record Office, MC 5D/30/3 503X.

[33]. Sancho, Letters, 51.

[34]. Charles James Fox was member of parliament and an antislavery advocate.

[35]. Richard Brinley Sheridan was a member of parliament, an antislavery advocate, and a playwright.

[36]. Letters was published in 1782, and the transatlantic slave trade was abolished by the British Parliament twenty-five years later in 1807. The Abolition of Slavery Act was passed by the British Parliament, abolishing the practice of slavery in all British territories in 1833. “Timeline of The Slave Trade and Abolition,” The National Archives (UK), accessed August 27, 2023, https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/abolition-slavery/.

[37]. Sancho, Letters, 19 (editorial notes).

[38]. Sancho, Letters, 97.

[39]. Sancho, Letters, 98.

[40]. Hanley, Beyond Slavery, 38.

[41]. Colonial narrative is any narrative that reflects what Saito calls “triumph of civilization over savagery” motif. Natsu Taylor Saito, “Unsettling Narratives,” in Settler Colonialism, Race, and the Law: Why Structural Racism Persists, Citizenship and Migration in the Americas (New York: NYU Press, 2020), https://doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9780814723944.003.0003.

[42]. Chinua Achebe, “Colonialist Criticism,” in Selected Essays 1965–1987 (London: Heinemann, 1988), 58.

[43]. Chinua Achebe, Things Fall Apart (Greenwich, CT: Fawcett Premier Book, 1958).

[44]. Achebe, Things Fall Apart, 191.

[45]. Settler colonialism refers to “interlocking forms of oppression, including racism, white supremacy, heteropatriarchy, and capitalism . . . [and the] intersecting dimensions of settler colonialism coalesce around the dispossession of indigenous peoples’ lands, resources, and cultures.” Alicia Cox, “Settler Colonialism,” Oxford Bibliographies, last modified July, 26 2017, https://doi.org/10.1093/OBO/9780190221911-0029.

[46]. Sancho, Letters, 49.

[47]. Sancho, Letters, 49.

[48]. Sancho, Letters, 49.

[49]. Sancho, Letters, 49.

[50]. Sancho, Letters, 37.

[51]. Sancho, Letters, 50.

[52]. Sancho, Letters, 50.

[53]. Sancho, Letters, 50.

[54]. Drexler L. Ortiz, “‘Method and Meaning’: Storytelling as Decolonial Praxis in the Psychology of Racialized Peoples,” New Ideas in Psychology 62 (2021) 1–14; 1.

[55]. Errol G. Hill and James Vernon Hatch, A History of African American Theatre (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

[56]. Blackface refers to the cartoon and caricature representation of Black characters by white actors and actresses wearing makeup. The practice in itself—particularly since Black actors were not generally allowed to play Black heroes—is racist.

[57]. Sancho, Letters, 50.

[58]. Brycchan Carey, “‘The Extraordinary Negro’: Ignatius Sancho, Joseph Jekyll, and the Problem of Biography,” British Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 26, no. 2 (Spring 2003), 1–13; 1, https://brycchancarey.com/Carey_BJECS_2003.pdf.

[59]. Sancho, Letters, 49.

[60]. Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia (Philadelphia: Prichard and Hall, 1785), 150–51. https://docsouth.unc.edu/southlit/jefferson/jefferson.html.

[61]. Jefferson, Notes, 150

[62]. Victoria Ramirez Gentry, “‘Th’angelic train’: Evangelicals, the Black Lives Matter Movement, and the Anti-racist Christianity of Phillis Wheatley and Quobna Ottobah Cugoano,” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 2, no. 2 (2021): 5–10, https://dx.doi.org/10.32655/srej.2021.2.2.2.

[63]. Phillis Wheatley, Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral (Boston, 1773).

[64]. The Monthly Review, or, Literary Journal 53 (November 1775), review of Letters of the Late Rev. Mr. Laurence Sterne, to His Most Intimate Friends (London: 1775), 403–13.

[65]. The Gentleman’s Magazine: and Historical Chronicle 46 (January 1776), review of Sterne’s Correspondence, 27–29.

[66]. Sancho, Letters, 311.

[67]. See Arthur H. Cash, Laurence Sterne: The Early and Middle Years (London: Methuen, 1975).

[68]. Thomas Yoseloff, A Fellow of Infinite Jest (New York: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1944), 15.

[69]. Sancho, Letters, 312.

[70]. Sancho, Letters, 313.

[71]. Laurence Sterne, The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman, ed. Melvyn New and Joan New (Gainesville, FL: The University Press of Florida, 1978), 747.

[72]. Sterne, Tristram Shandy, 747.

[73]. Sterne, Tristram Shandy, 747.

[74]. Ibram X. Kendi, “How Racism Relies on Arbitrary Hierarchies,” Literary Hub, August 13, 2019, https://lithub.com/ibram-x-kendi-how-racism-relies-on-arbitrary-hierarchies/.

from Ibram X. Kendi, How to Be An Antiracist (One World, imprint of Random House) 2019.

[75]. Sterne, Tristram Shandy, 748.

[76]. Wingrave, the son of Sancho’s friend, John Wingrave, was a young soldier in the British colonial mission in India.

[77]. Sancho, Letters, 187.

[78]. Sancho, Letters, 188.

[79]. Sancho, Letters, 188.

[80]. Sancho, Letters, 188.

[81]. Mr. Fisher (one of Sancho’s correspondents), a Philadelphia Quaker who had sent Sancho a copy of Wheatley’s Poems. “When Sancho wrote his letter in 1778, he was unaware that Phillis Wheatley had already been manumitted upon her return to America in 1773 following her visit to London.” Vincent Carretta and Philip Gould, Genius in Bondage-Literature of the Early Black Atlantic (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 2001), 2.

[82]. Sancho, Letters, 165.

[83]. Sancho, Letters, 166.

[84]. Sancho, Letters, 166.

[85]. Sancho, Letters, 166.

[86]. Carretta and Gould, Genius in Bondage, 2.

[87]. Sancho, Letters, 272.

[88]. Sancho’s Letters, 273. The Gordon Riots riot that began “as a peaceful demonstration on 2 June 1780 by fifty thousand people petitioning Parliament to repeal a recently enacted law granting Roman Catholics minor relief from legal restrictions.” It was reported that “government troops killed 285 rioters . . . the total number of dead, including those killed by drink and fire, were probably between 800 and 1,000” (editorial note).

[89]. Sancho, Letters, 271.

[90]. William Stevenson to John Nichols, September 14, 1814, in John Nichols, Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century (London, 1815), 9:682–83.

[91]. Charles Tita, “Towards a Poetics of Decolonization: Mungo Beti’s Poor Christ of Bomba,” ‘n Tydskrif vir Afrika-letterkunde—A Journal of African Literature 53, no.1 (2016): 179–92; 184.

[92]. Sancho, Letters, 231.

[93]. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folks (The Project Gutenberg eBook, 2021).

[94]. Du Bois, Souls of Black Folks.

[95]. The Black Diaspora (also referred to as “African Diaspora”) is “the voluntary and involuntary movement of Africans and their descendants to various parts of the world during the modern and pre-modern periods.” “Defining Diaspora,” Center for Black Diaspora at DePaul College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences, accessed August 27, 2023, https://las.depaul.edu/centers-and-institutes/center-for-black-diaspora/about/Pages/defining-diaspora.aspx.

[96]. Jonathan Elmer, “The Black Atlantic Archive,” American Literary History 17, no. 1 (2005): 160–70, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3567999.

Race, Religion, and Revolution in the Enlightenment (Editorial Introduction)

RETRACTION: The original version of this editorial introduction has been retracted. I apologize to readers and contributors, and take full responsibility for the misguidedness of centering the editorial difficulties of a white Christian woman in an issue devoted to racial justice.

Samara Anne Cahill

Editorial Introduction by Samara Anne Cahill
Editorial Introduction: Race, Religion, and Revolution in the Enlightenment
Cite: Cahill, Samara Anne. 2021. “Race, Religion, and Revolution in the Enlightenment (Editorial Introduction),” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 2 (2)
PDF


Ahmaud Arbery (February 23, 2020)
Breonna Taylor (March 13, 2020)
George Floyd (May 25, 2020)
Daoyou Feng, Hyun Jung Grant, Suncha Kim, Paul Andre Michels, Soon Chung Park, Xiaojie Tan, Delaina Ashley Yaun, Yong Ae Yue (March 16, 20210
Adam Toledo (March 29, 2021)
Daunte Wright (April 11, 2021)
Ma’Khia Bryant (April 20, 2021)
All deaths from the COVID pandemic

Christina Sharpe’s In the Wake: On Blackness and Being is a meditation on “the wake as the conceptual frame of and for living blackness in the diaspora in the still unfolding aftermaths of Atlantic chattel slavery.”1 The wake is the legacy of the ships of the Middle Passage, but also the emotional and creative response of members of the Black diaspora to that legacy. Sharpe’s witnessing raises issues of continuing systemic racism, the violence that continues to be visited upon Black bodies and Black lives, and the weight of history on the present.

This special issue on “Race, Religion, and Revolution in the Enlightenment” was prompted by the wake of George Floyd’s murder by a police officer, and the recognition that a journal dedicated to the study of religion and the Enlightenment has a duty to give a platform to those living in the wake. History—and the imbrication of history and the present—cannot be ignored, and that is why the New York Times’ 1619 Project is so crucial as a corrective to mythologies of the national identity of the United States. That perspective is also why removing Confederate statues and those of other enslavers from public places of honor is not about destroying history, but about choosing how we understand, transmit, and teach histories.2 There are many responses to the legacies of slavery. There is, for instance, the “community choir” of Ibram X. Kendi’s and Keisha N. Blain’s Four Hundred Souls: A Community History of African America, 1619-2019 as a landmark of public scholarship.3 There is the anger of watching the differential treatment of Black and white bodies by the police and by White House security on January 6, 2021. There is Amanda Gorman’s hopeful performance of her poem “The Hill We Climb” at the presidential inauguration on January 20. History is crucial not simply for social justice, but for a collective moral imagination.4

Yet part of answering Eugenia Zuroski’s call to undercut the imperialism of “academic intellectual authority” by answering the question “where do you know from” is admitting the limitations of one’s perspective.5 If the US nation has a race problem, so, too, does religion, and particularly US Christianity. The historical Jesus Christ was a Middle Eastern Jew; yet Christ is often depicted as a white man on Crucifixes, paintings, even in stained glass windows.6 Clearly, US Christianity must confront its own racist traditions.

This issue on “Race, Religion, and Revolution in the Enlightenment” begins with two contributions that examine the complex relationship between Christianity, particularly evangelism, and historical race relations.  Erica Johnson Edwards explores the role of Catholic priests in the Haitian Revolution and attends to the asymmetrical media portrayal of Haitian Catholicism and vodou. The Haitian Revolution is a particularly important touchstone for thinking about race and the Enlightenment, though for centuries it has been subject to silencing or misrepresentation through racist tropes.7

Next, Victoria Ramirez Gentry discusses the consequences of the long history of white Christianity for contemporary US evangelicals as well as for eighteenth-century Black believers such as Phillis Wheatley (Wheatley Peters after her marriage) and Quobna Ottobah Cugoano.8 In fact, Wheatley Peters has come to the forefront of eighteenth-century studies this year, particularly amidst calls to decolonize the leading eighteenth-century conference, the American Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies (ASECS), which was held April 7-11, 2021 (virtually, due to the COVID pandemic). Wheatley Peters is the inspiration behind Honorée Fanonne Jeffers’ tour-de-force poetry collection The Age of Phillis (2020). Several contributors see Wheatley Peters as the primary touchstone for decentering white eighteenth-century studies not just as a matter of greater inclusiveness on the syllabus, but also as a formal and structural intervention for decolonizing the curriculum. Phillis Wheatley Peters comes to represent Black joy and survival but also what it means to live in the wake of slavery. Formally rigorous while also formally experimental, the fragmented collage of The Age of Phillis registers the labor, beauty, and suffering of Black lives in the wake of the Middle Passage. It also registers the failures of white Christianity to acknowledge that mourning or to acknowledge the full range of emotions that the wake calls forth. Indeed, Laura Stevens’s recent article about abolitionist rhetoric brought into sharp relief exactly what is excluded when righteous anger is occluded in favor of appeals to compassion or, worse, of imposing a particular kind of “happiness” onto the already oppressed. As Stevens points out in her study of William Warburton’s 1766 sermon, sensibility and compassion have featured centrally in studies of the intersection of “histories of emotion” and abolitionist rhetoric; what has received less attention are the “less gentle passions.” This lack of attention is perhaps because, if “pity invites action, outrage demands it.”9 Stevens’ is a searing argument about the limits and historical failures of white compassion and moral outrage.

Witnessing a full range of emotions is part of social justice. If there is mourning and anger, there is also community and creative production.  Some writers have focused on Afrofuturism as a temporal projection of optimism and freedom in response to historical oppression, as J. Ereck Jarvis observes—in his contribution to this issue’s Woman of Colour roundtable—of Brigitte Fielder’s recent and forthcoming work on “Black futurity.”10  Black hope, celebration, and beauty survive in the wake, as Ta-Nehisi Coates reminds us in “The Great Fire”—the special issue of Vanity Fair that he edited and which featured on its cover a picture of Breonna Taylor in a flowing blue gown.11 As Coates powerfully declares, “To plunder a people of everything, you must plunder their humanity first.” Resistance to dehumanization includes the celebration of beauty and creativity—this is not frivolous: to create is to be human, to assert oneself to be human. There is, as Lindsey Stewart argues, a “politics” of Black joy.12 Tamika Palmer, Breonna Taylor’s mother, celebrated her daughter’s life as one full of humor, family, and joy, of singing the blues, stalling out a motorcycle, and making chili.13

But emotions and imagination are not the only human activities that need to be expanded: conceptual and institutional infrastructures must also be questioned, diversified, and radically re-visioned. If, as Edna Bonhomme has argued, it is “through the thinking of the Enlightenment that science, the asylum, and prisons unveil their violent foundations,” and if the “radical and hopeful potential produced by Black literary and artistic traditions” offers a response to this history of dehumanization, then talking back to the Enlightenment is part of looking toward a more just future.14 This issue includes three roundtables addressing exactly this dynamic of reading the past and the possible in terms of each other. The first roundtable, “Talking Back to the Enlightenment,” centers the perspectives of a group of students, all women of color, studying eighteenth-century literature in the wake of the Black Lives Matter movement. Talking back is not only a rejection of received authority, it is also the human call for recognition. Thus the “Talking Back” roundtable examines the stakes of naming or failing to name (Noury); the influence of expanding the canon to include alternate texts and perspectives (Mindy Lin); the role of imagination in addressing the elisions of the historical record and school curriculum (Jasmine Nevarez); and the freedom and restrictions offered by Christian rhetoric to eighteenth-century writers of color such as Phillis Wheatley, Olaudah Equiano, and Ottobah Cugoano (Jessica Valenzuela).

Our second roundtable, on Honorée Fanonne Jeffers’s The Age of Phillis, addresses many of the same concerns as the “Talking Back” roundtable while focusing on how one text may be able to make a ground-shifting contribution to anti-racist eighteenth-century studies. Sam Plasencia examines the importance of “Black joy” and “critical fabulation” in a way that situates The Age of Phillis not just in the context of the eighteenth-century literature classroom but also at the cutting-edge of twenty-first-century archival interventions. Plasencia and Jenny Factor further analyze Jeffers’s profound intertwining of form and content to register the atemporal symmetries of Black diasporic experience. David Mazella considers the consequences of form at the levels of both the individual text and the publishing industry, leading to a consideration of the ethics of anthologization. Finally, JoEllen DeLucia addresses the racist hierarchies and discourses of the Enlightenment and the continuation of those historical influences at the curricular level. What happens, DeLucia asks, when we study “The Age of Phillis” rather than “The Age of the Augustans,” for instance? How do we think and feel differently in those physical (classroom) and intellectual spaces?

Our final roundtable is devoted to the pedagogical concerns raised by the novel The Woman of Colour (1808), which has become, in the last decade, one of the most important texts for discussing the intersection of race and gender in the decolonized eighteenth-century studies curriculum. Kerry Sinanan both introduces and concludes the roundtable, providing crucial bookends that situate the discussion of this influential text in relation both to geopolitical events such as the Haitian Revolution and to the intimate and individual impacts of slavery on mother and child. Rebecca Anne Barr considers the importance of decolonizing the romance genre, particularly the need to question the “generic consolation of regency romance” in light of the “theological ultimatum” offered by Olivia Fairfield, heroine of The Woman of Colour. J. Ereck Jarvis considers the question of bodies in the classroom—how does a white instructor talk about the racist legacies of the Enlightenment? Jarvis see Olivia as a figure of “Christian futurity” who is also a figure of “Black futurity” and hope. Mariam Wassif weaves together Critical Race Theory and romance conventions to argue that Olivia’s “Romantic subjectivity” actually “breaches imperial boundaries … even as it foregrounds the uneasiness of these transatlantic crossings.” Both Wassif and Misty Krueger highlight Olivia’s experience and legacy as a cosmopolitan transatlantic traveler. Krueger highlights the value of The Woman of Colour in making eighteenth-century syllabi less white while attending to the “racial disparity in women’s transatlantic travels.15

This acknowledgement of “racial disparity”—particularly in the realm of pleasurable consumption—is what caused The Woman of Colour to become a point of comparison for several commentators on the Netflix miniseries Bridgerton, the first adaptation-installment of Julia Quinn’s bestselling 8-part series of Regency romance novels. Why did Bridgerton ignore Haiti, for instance, as Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall and Marlene L. Daut ask?16 This occlusion is particularly noticeable since the Haitian Revolution would have happened within the living memory of most people in Regency London. And why, despite its brief acknowledgement of slavery, did Bridgerton otherwise ignore the structural racism of eighteenth-century London (and the British Empire) and the consequences of colonialism?17 Why is the main love interest in Bridgerton—Simon Basset, Duke of Hastings, played by actor of color Rége-Jean Page—presented as symbolic eye-candy for heroine Daphne Bridgerton during a tea shop scene? The Duke becomes what Mira Assaf Kafantaris observes is an “image of the delectable Black man consuming the loots of transatlantic slavery and colonial plunder.”18 Commentators including Kafantaris, Jessica Parr, and Kerry Sinanan pointed out the inappropriateness of having a white woman—someone who benefits from the products of empire such as tea, china, muslin, and sugar on a daily basis—sexually objectifying a man of color during a time when Black enslaved people would have been the laborers who produced the sugar they were consuming.19 Daphne’s objectifying gaze becomes even more disturbing in retrospect after she sexually assaults the Duke. Sidney Mintz influentially examined the role of sugar in the formation of the modern world, but perhaps the modern romance novel even more so raises questions about the ethics of pleasure and consumption.20 The seemingly frivolous and ephemeral may in fact reinforce the power dynamics between and within the colony and the metropole, the enslaver and the enslaved, those who are considered human and those who are considered consumable.21 Ongoing problems of structural racism have plagued the romance publishing industry, conventional romance narratives, and even the romance industry’s flagship organization, the Romance Writers of America.22

Our issue on “Race, Religion, and Revolution in the Enlightenment” concludes with two reviews of the statue of the feminist political philosopher Mary Wollstonecraft recently installed at Newington Green. The statue raised controversy because its appearance—a slender, naked woman in chrome emerges from a whirling wave—seemed to suggest that a certain kind of female body represented feminism and that a woman’s body was the best way of commemorating Wollstonecraft’s intellectual influence. Representation matters and, as Rebekah Andrews and Miriam Al Jamil remind us, the art historical tradition of the female nude comes freighted with gendered asymmetries of the gaze (Al Jamil) and of the beauty standards (Andrews) that Wollstonecraft rejected and that continue to burden women even amid the frenzy of the modern urban world.  

To conclude, I offer my deepest thanks to all those who responded to the February 28, 2021 Facebook query about the scholarly consensus regarding capitalizing “Black” and “white.” Contributors included Margaret Doody, John Drabinski, Jennifer James, Amanda Louise Johnson, Shelby Johnson, David Latané, James Rovira, Jonah Siegel, Kerry Sinanan, and Miriam Wallace.23 While capitalizing “Black” is becoming widely accepted, there are valid reasons for capitalizing or not capitalizing “white.” On the one hand, not capitalizing “white” runs the risk of erasing whiteness as a historical phenomenon; on the other hand, capitalizing “white” runs the risk of validating white supremacist usage.24 Having weighed various arguments, the editorial team of Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment adopted the convention of capitalizing “Black” but not “white.” We thank all contributors for their labor, generosity, and thoughtful engagement. 

*

The editorial staff of Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment mourn with all those who have lost loved ones from the COVID pandemic and from racist violence against Black, Asian, Indigenous and all peoples of color in the United States.

ENDNOTES

[1] Christina Sharpe, In the Wake: On Blackness and Being (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2016), 2.

[2] For the purposes of this editorial I am bracketing criticisms of the 1619 Project, but they include: (1) the 1619 Project’s chronological slippages are pedagogically dangerous—Len Gutkin, “‘Bad History and Worse Social Science Have Replaced Truth’: Daryl Michael Scott on propaganda and myth from ‘The 1619 Project’ to Trumpism,” The Chronicle of Higher Education, March 10, 2021,  https://www.chronicle.com/article/bad-history-and-worse-social-science-have-replaced-truth?fbclid=IwAR1E0R8hDWRA1ZzaQAmtkdb9d0kQfhtFQhxradFD_AS53iesqQgyAcJwA9Y; (2) by focusing too much on race and slavery and by allowing journalists to bypass historians, the 1619 Project ignores the influence of class (and cross-racial class solidarity among workers) in the formation of the US—see a number of articles on the World Socialist Web Site (WSWS), but particularly the anthology The New York Times’ 1619 Project and the Racialist Falsification of History: Essays and Interviews, edited by David North and Thomas Mackaman (Oak Park, Michigan: Mehring Books, 2021); (3) the 1619 Project threatens to replace one “consensus history” with another—William Hogeland, “Against the Consensus Approach to History: How not to learn about the American past,” The New Republic, January 25, 2021, https://newrepublic.com/article/160995/consensus-approach-history?fbclid=IwAR2ZsNUQAGoEENswp7ekjcnZVdyvc-M76CyNC59xtpVscZl8UwI5s9cmQTU. A stark contrast to these informed critiques, the justly scorned 1776 Report was released on January 18, 2021. The Biden administration soon disbanded the 1776 Commission (January 20, 2021).

[3] Ibram X. Kendi and Keisha N. Blain, eds., Four Hundred Souls: A Community History of African America, 1619-2019 (New York: One World, 2021), xv.

[4] Alongside In the Wake a number of poetry collections have addressed the creative quest of crafting a Black diasporic identity within the occlusions and fragmentations of the archive and the dehumanization of slavery. These writers have chosen poetic expression to instantiate fragmentation, hybridity, the weight of the past on the present, and the pained relationship to water (a cleansing, purifying element while also being the ocean grave of so many enslaved ancestors transported on the Middle Passage). See M. NourbeSe Philip, Zong! As told to the author by Setaey Adamu Boateng (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 2008); Robin Coste Lewis, Voyage of the Sable Venus and Other Poems (New York: Knopf, 2017); and Honorée Fanonne Jeffers, The Age of Phillis (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 2020). A number of contributors to this issue discuss creative responses such as those mentioned above in terms of Saidiya Hartman’s concept of “critical fabulation.” See Saidiya Hartman, “Venus in Two Acts,” Small Axe, vol. 12, no. 2 (2008), 1-14. For a useful online introduction to Zong!, see Jenny Davidson, “Trauma and representation: NourbeSe Philip’s ZONG!” YouTube, February 21, 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_3uOjbOC8zQ.

[5] Eugenia Zuroski, “‘Where Do You Know From?’: An Exercise in Placing Ourselves Together in the Classroom,” MAI, no. 5, “Feminist Pedagogies,” January 27, 2020, https://maifeminism.com/where-do-you-know-from-an-exercise-in-placing-ourselves-together-in-the-classroom/. For further resources on challenging racism in the long eighteenth century, particularly during the Romantic period, see the work of Zuroski, Manu Samriti Chander and other members of the Bigger 6 Collective who seek to “challenge structural racism in the academic study of Romanticism,” see https://bigger6romantix.squarespace.com/.

[6] For a helpful capsule history of how Jesus has increasingly been portrayed as blue-eyed and blond, see Anna Swartwood House, “The long history of how Jesus came to resemble a white European,” The Conversation, July 17, 2020, https://theconversation.com/the-long-history-of-how-jesus-came-to-resemble-a-white-european-142130. See also Edward J. Blum and Paul Harvey, The Color of Christ: The Son of God and the Saga of Race in America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014). 

[7] On the historical silencing of Haiti and the Haitian Revolution, see Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History [1995], with a new forward by Hazel V. Carby (Boston: Beacon Press, 2015); on racist tropes of Haiti and the Haitian Revolution, such as “monstrous hybridity,” the “Tropical Temptress,” the “Tragic Mulatto/a,” and the “Colored Historian,” see Marlene L. Daut, Tropics of Haiti: Race and the Literary History of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, 1789-1865, Liverpool Studies in International Slavery, 8 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2015); for a case study of Haitian Revolutionary Baron de Vastey and the politics of Black memory see Marlene L. Daut, Baron de Vastey and the Origins of Black Atlantic Humanism, The New Urban Atlantic (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).

[8] “White Christianity” does not refer to all white Christians, some of whom may—as Gentry observes—practice anti-racist Christianity, but rather to the imbrication of American Christianity with white supremacism. See Robert P. Jones, White Too Long: The Legacy of White Supremacy in American Christianity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2020).  “White Christianity” is, of course, certainly not limited to the United States. For a study of Christian racialization in early modern England, see Dennis Austin Britton, Becoming Christian: Race, Reformation, and Early Modern English Romance (New York: Fordham University Press, 2014).

[9] Laura M. Stevens, “‘Their Own Happiness’: The Ownership of Enslaved Africans’ Emotions in William Warburton’s SPG Sermon,” Eighteenth-Century Studies, vol. 54, no. 2 (2021): 285-305, 294-5.

[10] See also, Brigitte Fielder, “18th-century African American Literature and Community” (lecture, “Race, Whiteness, and Pedagogy in the long 18thc: An Online Teach-in”, UTSA Department of English and Mills College Center for Faculty Excellence, Zoom, August 6, 2020).

[11] Ta-Nehisi Coates, “Coates on Vanity Fair’s September Issue, The Great Fire,” Vanity Fair, September 2020, https://www.vanityfair.com/culture/2020/08/ta-nehisi-coates-editor-letter.

[12] Lindsey Stewart, The Politics of Black Joy: Zora Neale Hurston and Neo-Abolitionism (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, forthcoming in 2021).

[13] Coates, “The Life Breonna Taylor Lived, In The Words Of Her Mother,” Vanity Fair, September 2020, https://www.vanityfair.com/culture/2020/08/breonna-taylor?itm_content=footer-recirc .

[14] Edna Bonhomme, “When Black Humanity Is Denied,” Public Books, January 18, 2021, https://www.publicbooks.org/when-black-humanity-is-denied/. Bonhomme’s article is a multi-volume review of three important recent books on the dehumanization of the Black community in scientific discourse, the asylum, and the prison: Zakiyyah Iman Jackson, Becoming Human: Matter and Meaning in an Antiblack World (New York: NYU Press, 2020); Therí Alyce Pickens, Black Madness :: Mad Blackness (Durham: Duke University Press, 2019); Nicole Fleetwood, Marking Time: Art in the Age of Mass Incarceration (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2020).

[15] See also Misty Krueger, ed., Transatlantic Women Travelers, 1688-1843 (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2021).

[16] Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, “On Studios and Patterns of Erasure” in “Unsilencing the Past In Bridgerton 2020: A Roundtable, by Mira Assaf Kafantaris, Ambereen Dadabhoy, Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, Jessica Parr, and Kerry Sinanan,” Medium, January 9, 2021. On Bridgerton’s “Caribbean Problem” see Marlene Daut, “Why Did Bridgerton Erase Haiti?” Avidly, January 19, 2021, http://avidly.lareviewofbooks.org/2021/01/19/why-did-bridgerton-erase-haiti/?utm_source=pocket-newtab.

[17] On Bridgerton’s occlusion of the racial and economic dynamics of its historical setting—the events occur in 1813, between the abolishing of the slave trade in 1807 and the abolishing of slavery in 1833, see Patricia A. Matthew, “Shondaland’s Regency: On ‘Bridgerton,’” Los Angeles Review of Books, December 26, 2020, https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/shondalands-regency-bridgerton/ and Nina Metz, “Where did all that ‘Bridgerton’ money come from, and how do we feel about that?” Chicago Tribune, January 7, 2021, https://www.chicagotribune.com/entertainment/tv/ct-mov-bridgerton-conversations-about-wealth-0108-20210107-zs3ozfivefdizmj57ogpfyxjbe-story.html. On the “Black elite,” see Tressie McMillan Cottom, “The Black Ton: From Bridgerton to Love & Hip-Hop,” Medium, January 3, 2021, https://tressiemcphd.medium.com/the-black-ton-from-bridgerton-to-love-hip-hop-15a7d27b8de7.

[18] Mira Assaf Kafantaris, “Sugar and Consumption” in “Unsilencing the Past In Bridgerton 2020: A Roundtable, by Mira Assaf Kafantaris, Ambereen Dadabhoy, Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, Jessica Parr, and Kerry Sinanan,” Medium, January 9, 2021.

[19] “Unsilencing the Past In Bridgerton 2020: A Roundtable, by Mira Assaf Kafantaris, Ambereen Dadabhoy, Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, Jessica Parr, and Kerry Sinanan,” Medium, January 9, 2021.

[20]. Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Penguin Books, 1986).

[21] On Bridgerton’s problematic depiction of race, class, sexual violence, and consent, see Aja Romano, “Netflix’s new Regency drama Bridgerton is as shallow as the aristocrats it skewers,” Vox, December 21, 2020, https://www.vox.com/22178125/bridgerton-netflix-review-regency-romance. For a discussion of how the producers glossed over the rape of a man of color by a white woman, see Eric Langberg, “‘Bridgerton’ is a swoon-worthy delight…with reservations, Medium, December 23, 2020, https://medium.com/everythings-interesting/bridgerton-is-a-swoon-worthy-delight-with-reservations-59051872aef5; Claudia Willen, “‘Bridgerton’ fans are criticizing showrunners for including a controversial rape scene and failing to address the lack of consent,” Insider, December 29, 2020, https://www.insider.com/bridgerton-rape-scene-criticism-julia-quinn-2020-12; Mernine Ameris, “‘Bridgerton Review: The Duke of Hastings Was My Early Valentine … and First Love is Hard,” Medium, January 28, 2021, https://mernineameris.medium.com/bridgerton-review-the-duke-of-hastings-was-my-early-valentine-and-first-love-is-hard-b64af3507a07; and PBJ, “Daphne Bridgerton raped her husband and why it’s important to not romanticize it,” An Injustice!, December 27, 2020, https://aninjusticemag.com/daphne-bridgerton-raped-her-husband-and-why-its-important-to-not-romanticize-it-638d8cbbd4ec.

[22] For the argument that “the version of history taught by romance novels has made it far easier for white supremacist arguments to be accepted by otherwise intelligent, well-read people,” see Elizabeth Kingston, “Romanticizing White Supremacy,” Elizabeth Kingston, April 2018, https://www.elizabethkingstonbooks.com/single-post/2018/04/15/romanticizing-white-supremacy. Kingston’s related article “Reclaiming Historical Romances,” appeared in the December 2018 issue of Romance Writers Report. For an analysis of the ongoing problem of racism in the Romance Writers of America (RWA) organization, particularly the suspension of Chinese American novelist and lawyer Courtney Milan from the RWA’s board in December 2019, see Mikki Kendall, “The Romance Writers of America racism row matters because the gatekeepers are watching,” Think, January 2, 2020, https://www.nbcnews.com/think/opinion/romance-writers-america-racism-row-matters-because-gatekeepers-are-watching-ncna1109151, and Constance Grady, “Bad Romance,” Vox, June 24, 2020, https://www.vox.com/the-highlight/2020/6/17/21178881/racism-books-romance-writers-of-america-scandal-novels-publishing.

[23] “Copy-editing question,” February 28, 2021, Facebook.

[24] See Kwame Anthony Appiah, “The Case for Capitalizing the B in Black,” The Atlantic, June 18, 2020, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/06/time-to-capitalize-blackand-white/613159/. For a consideration of what is at stake in capitalizing “white” (not to do so threatens to reproduce whiteness as “unraced individuality”), see Nell Irvin Painter, “Opinion: Why ‘White’ should be capitalized, too, The Washington Post, July 22, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2020/07/22/why-white-should-be-capitalized/. For the argument that not capitalizing “white” is “an anti-Black act which frames “Whiteness” as both neutral and standard,” see Ann Thúy Nguyễn and Maya Pendleton, “Recognizing Race in Language: Why We Capitalize ‘Black’ and ‘White,’” Center for the Study of Social Policy, March 23, 2020, https://cssp.org/2020/03/recognizing-race-in-language-why-we-capitalize-black-and-white/.

The Wollstonecraft Statue at Newington Green (Review)

Review by Miriam Al Jamil
The Wollstonecraft Statue at Newington Green (Review)
DOI: 10.32655/srej.2021.2.2.19
Cite: Jamil, Mariam Al. 2021. “The Wollstonecraft Statue at Newington Green (Review) ,” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 2 (2): 58-58.
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The Wollstonecraft Statue at Newington Green reifies in many ways the unresolved painful issue of disempowerment with which the history of the female nude is imbued, making it all but impossible to see it in any other way. This representation is in spite of the driving force of the statue’s campaign, which is stated in the artist Maggi Hambling’s description of its meaning and fortified by the historical revisionist approaches of feminist art that interrogate Kenneth Clark’s The Nude: A Study of Ideal Art (1956)—such as work produced by Griselda Pollock and Lynda Nead.

Classical sculptures of goddesses represented the divine and were divested of the bodily signs of the reproductive body, a feature that characterized the archaic female nude. The design of these classical sculptures allowed the male gaze, particularly in the last two or three hundred years, to relentlessly reduce and sexualize the female nude to the exclusion of all other interpretations. This reduction is compounded in the more recent phenomenon of pornography in which the female body, though driving male fantasy, is infantilized and glabrous.

Hambling’s figure both references the “ideal” female figure in its youthful, slim, and perfectly proportioned anatomy and resolutely incorporates the pubic hair, which is either missing in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century art or, when included, is the subject of scandalized critical responses. Current reactions to Hambling’s figure express similar outrage but mainly because Wollstonecraft should be honored without the baggage of art historical female nudity to deflect from her reputation as a thinker, philosopher, and writer. It is a question of what measure of dignity and meaning can be assigned to the female nude. Can it convey extraordinary pioneering achievement, strength, and fortitude in the face of adversity, both creative energy and courage? Or must it always remain generalized, idealized, transcendental?

In many ways, the inchoate female forms from which the small figure emerges in the final piece are, for me, the most fascinating elements of the project and deserve to be appreciated in their own right. Building on Hambling’s previous sea and wave sculpture and paintings, these forms convey flesh and bone, twist in restless and dynamic movement, and gather force to bring the triumphant female to birth, like Venus rising from the foam. We are invited to contemplate what constitutes “female forms.” How would “male forms” differ? Is it easier to abstract and construct “female” shapes from the wealth of historical sculptural tropes with which we are familiar? I would like to know more. The installation has set in motion yet another layer of debate about the value and purpose of public sculpture, this time focused on gender but is as much about entitlement, veracity, and respect as all the previous examples which have galvanized participation. I hope this reinvigoration of sculpture as a significant cultural phenomenon will continue to inspire emotional engagement.

“Honoring” Mary Wollstonecraft (Review)

Review by Rebekah Andrew
“Honoring” Mary Wollstonecraft (Review)
DOI: 10.32655/srej.2021.2.2.18
Cite: Andrew, Rebekah. 2021. “Honoring” Mary Wollstonecraft (Review),” Studies in Religion and the Enlightenment 2 (2): 57-57.
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Walking through Newington Green Park to get somewhere important to do something important, briefcase heavy with paperwork, one sees a bright silver sculpture glistening in the distance. There’s no time to move closer, examine it in any detail, or read the little plaque explaining its significance. The only fleeting impression is of a doll-size female form standing rigidly atop a seething mass of undulations. Before an opinion can be formed or any more thought given, the park is behind and the business of the day ahead.

This brief encounter is how most outdoor sculpture is viewed. It is not studied in detail; people do not read the little plaque. It is seen from afar, judged, and left behind. The sculpture supposedly honoring Mary Wollstonecraft will be no exception to this rule after the initial controversy has died down. Viewed in this way, would you know the sculpture was supposed to honor anyone? Without reading the artist’s statement, would you understand the significance of the piece? I doubt it. When I first saw the sculpture “honoring” Mary Wollstonecraft (but not depicting her), I voiced, “Are you kidding me?” to an empty room, only with an expletive inserted. I was unsurprised that within the hour, someone had thrown clothing over the tiny naked figure. I am half surprised that no one has dressed it in Barbie clothes (yet).

To clarify, I have nothing against the sculpture itself—I actually quite like it. However, “the irony of a figure erased from history being erased from her own statue,” in the words of my husband, is difficult to ignore. Designed to commemorate one of the founders of the feminist movement who demanded to be seen as more than a body, the statue seems to be more than a little offensive to both Wollstonecraft and all women who have campaigned to be treated with respect and dignity rather than valued only as a source of titillation for the gaze.

And what titillation that gaze gets. The figure at the top conforms to most of the twenty-first-century Western standards of beauty, aside from some unruly pubic hair, the hallmark of a feminist, apparently. Toned, pertly large-breasted, and slim, it is another representation of the idealized womanhood people are confronted with on a daily basis. The figure lacks wrinkles, cellulite, and all the other “imperfections” human bodies have. Wollstonecraft desired to be free from the prison of societally imposed standards of beauty, yet the first sculpture that commemorates her appears to buttress what society tells women they should look like and to suggest that they are only allowed to rebel in usually invisible ways.

“I really must go to the gym today,” thinks the woman passing back through the park after her meeting, walking close enough this time to see the figure. With more time, but without energy or inclination to consider the significance of the sculpture, she remains unaware of who the sculpture supposedly commemorates or what significance that person’s work, now two hundred years later, has had over her life.